Florida Supreme Court rules on "Open Carry"

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Gun, what did Volokh say that you believe substantiates your assertion?
 

Kleanbore beat me to it. But I'll point out that it appears you don't understand what "citation to authority" means.

In discussion of the law, when one is asked to cite authorities his proper response is reference to:
... statutes, precedents, judicial decisions, and text-books of the law, made on the argument of questions of law ..., in support of the legal positions contended for...
In practice "authorities" can include articles in well regarded, academic journals.

A profile of Eugene Volokh is not legal authority supporting your contention.

Here endith the lesson.
 
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A profile of Eugene Volokh is not legal authority supporting your contention.

I respectfully submit that Eugene Volokh is a qualified authority when it comes to constitutional law.

But, let's try this:

<<<Such laws make things worse for the assaulted and better for the assailants; they serve rather to encourage than to prevent homicides, for an unarmed man may be attacked with greater confidence than an armed man>>>
Cesare Beccaria, On Crimes And Punishments, trans. by Henry Palolucci (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1963), 87-88.

<<<As recently as 1950, the Illinois Supreme Court suggested that a concealed weapon statute that was not narrowly “aimed at persons of criminal instincts, and for the prevention of crime” might be a violation of the Second Amendment>>>
People v. Liss, 406 Ill. 419, 94 N.E.2d 320, 322, 323 (1950).

http://www.claytoncramer.com/books/concealed.pdf
 
I respectfully submit that Eugene Volokh is a qualified authority when it comes to constitutional law....
Obviously you didn't understand what I wrote. A call to cite authority is not asking for the name of a person who might know something about the subject.


...But, let's try this:

<<<Such laws make things worse for the assaulted and better for the assailants; they serve rather to encourage than to prevent homicides, for an unarmed man may be attacked with greater confidence than an armed man>>>
Cesare Beccaria, On Crimes And Punishments, trans. by Henry Palolucci (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1963), 87-88.

<<<As recently as 1950, the Illinois Supreme Court suggested that a concealed weapon statute that was not narrowly “aimed at persons of criminal instincts, and for the prevention of crime” might be a violation of the Second Amendment>>>
People v. Liss, 406 Ill. 419, 94 N.E.2d 320, 322, 323 (1950).

http://www.claytoncramer.com/books/concealed.pdf
Phooey!

  • Neither of the foregoing are "authority" as defined, i. e., ... statutes, precedents, judicial decisions, and text-books of the law,..." nor are they "articles in well regarded, academic journals."

  • There's no indication that the Clayton Cramer "book" was even published. Nor did you tell us where in that "book" the segment you quoted may be found. Such information is a necessary element of a citation. Among other things we should not be required to read the entire book you linked to to verify that it does in fact say what you claim.

  • Demonstrate that the foregoing quotes even relate to, let alone support, your original claim set out in post 22:
    where in Heller or McDonald did the Court say that there is no important state interest in the regulation of firearms?

    The concealed weapons prohibitions and state analogues upheld in the past all dealt with keeping arms out of the hands of "bad hombres". As such, they are not good law and have no relevance in the adjudication of gun rights for personal protection.......
    Indeed, how is that comment of yours even responsive to the question I asked, and which you quote in your inapposite response?

Making a claim and supporting that claim with argument supported by citation to authority involves more than just tossing around quotations.
 
Cesare Beccaria, On Crimes And Punishments, trans. by Henry Palolucci (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1963), 87-88[/QUOTE]

People v. Liss, 406 Ill. 419, 94 N.E.2d 320, 322, 323 (1950).

These are not cites? That's news to me.

Kleanbore, you might find this link informative, especially pages 580-586. I regret that I am unable to find the post by E. Volokh I noted earlier. However the below document contains many of the cites he referred to. :

https://journals.law.stanford.edu/s...2006/06/cornell_17_stan._l._poly_rev._571.pdf

And for your leisure reading: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/056e/84b88e86420a66d58e9e4bd79c810d9ef88f.pdf
 
Cesare Beccaria, On Crimes And Punishments, trans. by Henry Palolucci (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1963), 87-88

People v. Liss, 406 Ill. 419, 94 N.E.2d 320, 322, 323 (1950).

These are not cites? That's news to me....
Beccaria's 18th Century book on penology is not an authority as defined (see post 27).

And you don't cite Liss. You quote Cramer's reference to Liss together with Cramer telling us something he thinks Liss says.

....Kleanbore, you might find this link informative, especially pages 580-586. I regret that I am unable to find the post by E. Volokh I noted earlier. However the below document contains many of the cites he referred to. :

https://journals.law.stanford.edu/s...2006/06/cornell_17_stan._l._poly_rev._571.pdf....
Phooey!

  1. Exactly what are we supposed to find informative on those pages in Saul Connell's article on "The Early American Origins of the Gun Control Debate:....", and exactly how does anything on those pages support your original claim set out in post 22:
    where in Heller or McDonald did the Court say that there is no important state interest in the regulation of firearms?
    The concealed weapons prohibitions and state analogues upheld in the past all dealt with keeping arms out of the hands of "bad hombres". As such, they are not good law and have no relevance in the adjudication of gun rights for personal protection.......

  2. What post by E. Volokh? Your only reference to him here was to post a link to his profile on the UCLA website.







 
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What post by E. Volokh? Your only reference to him here was to post a link to his profile on the UCLA website.

No, it appears a posted remark by me referencing E. Volokh has gone amiss.

Reconstructing from memory, Volokh noted that concealed weapons prohibitions in early American law were intended primarily to keep them out of the hands of minorities, brigands, vagrants, criminals and others deemed undesirable. Today, cases of the era are bad law for the redaction of later-day concealed statutes which deal with only self-defense.

In so many words, that is what Volokh held on The Volokh Conspiracy prior to it's incorporation into The Washington Post. The cites of Volokh on this matter are in the treatises I posted earlier.

I will continue searching for a link to his holding.
 
No, it appears a posted remark by me referencing E. Volokh has gone amiss....
I can see every post deleted from this thread, and I don't see that any of yours have been deleted from this thread.

....Reconstructing from memory,....
But your memory doesn't count

...IThe cites of Volokh on this matter are in the treatises I posted earlier.....
Exactly where, and what do they say? We don't have to go searching an entire article or book for something you say is there. You need to tell us (1) exactly where what you're relying on can be found; (2) what it says; and (3) why it supports your contention.
 
There are two reasons why there will be no open carry in Florida anytime soon:

An unwarranted concern on the part of lawmakers that it might have an adverse effect on tourism, the state’s number one industry.

Florida lawmakers have no desire to deal with the thorny issue of carrying firearms – open or concealed carry – on private property.

Indeed, Florida’s ‘parking lot’ provision caused much conflict between concealed carry advocates and defenders of the rights of private property owners while it was being implemented.

Current proposed legislation to make liable private property owners who prohibit firearms on their property is likewise perceived as an attack on private property rights by some.
 
I regret I am unable to locate the quotation of Eugene Volokh referenced last week, so to make the argument from scratch we start with a passage from the Heller case (2008):

For example, the majority of the 19th-century courts to consider the question held that prohibitions on carrying concealed weapons were lawful under the Second Amendment or state analogues. See, e.g., State v. Chandler, 5 La. Ann., at 489–490; Nunn v. State, 1 Ga., at 251; see generally 2 Kent *340, n. 2; The American Students’ Blackstone 84, n. 11 (G. Chase ed. 1884).

Cite as: 554 U. S. ____ (2008) 55 https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/pdf/07-290P.ZO


Held: Scalia seems to have confused decisions of nineteenth century courts endorsing prohibitions on the carry of concealed weapons as somehow supporting legal concealed carry. Those early cases are bad law today, as they acted to ban concealed weapons, whereas now the emphasis is on the carry of concealed weapons.

Some case history & other from the era:

<<<This law became absolutely necessary to counteract a vicious state of society, growing out of the habit of carrying concealed weapons, and to prevent bloodshed and assassinations committed upon unsuspecting persons.>>>

State v. Chandler, 5 La. Ann. 489, 52 Am. Dec. 599 (1850).]


<<<On Wearing Concealed Arms We, the Grand Jury for the city of Richmond, at August Court, 1820, do not believe it to be inconsistent with our duty to animadvert upon any practice which, in our opinion, may be attended with consequences dangerous to the peace and good order of society. We consider the practice of carrying arms secreted, in cases where no personal attack can reasonably be apprehended, to be infinitely more reprehensible than even the act of stabbing, if committed during a sudden affray, in the heat of passion, where the party was not previously armed for the purpose. We conceive that it manifests a hostile, and if the expression may be allowed, a piratical disposition against the human race — that is derogatory from that open, manly, and chivalrous character, which it should be the pride of our countrymen to maintain unimpaired — and that its fatal effects have been too frequently felt and deplored, not to require the serious animadversions of the community. Unanimously adopted. >>> http://volokh.com/posts/1228953400.shtml

<<<to prevent persons...from wearing concealed arms>>> http://www.claytoncramer.com/primary/rkbadecisions/Bliss1822.pdf

<<<The plaintiff in error was convicted in the Giles circuit court, for wearing a bowie knife concealed under his clothes, under the act of 1837-8, ch. 137, sec. 2, which provides, "That if any person shall wear any bowie knife, or Arkansas tooth-pick, or other knife or weapon, that shall in form, shape or size resemble a bowie knife or Arkansas tooth-pick, under his clothes, or keep the same concealed about his person, such person shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof, shall be fined in a sum not less than two hundred dollars, and shall be imprisoned in the county jail, not less than three months and not more than six months...The legislature, therefore, have a right to prohibit the wearing, or keeping weapons>>>

Aymmette v. Tenn (2 Hump) 154 (1840)
 
I regret I am unable to locate the quotation of Eugene Volokh referenced last week, so to make the argument from scratch we start with a passage from the Heller case (2008):

For example, the majority of the 19th-century courts to consider the question held that prohibitions on carrying concealed weapons were lawful under the Second Amendment or state analogues. See, e.g., State v. Chandler, 5 La. Ann., at 489–490; Nunn v. State, 1 Ga., at 251; see generally 2 Kent *340, n. 2; The American Students’ Blackstone 84, n. 11 (G. Chase ed. 1884).

Cite as: 554 U. S. ____ (2008) 55 https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/pdf/07-290P.ZO


Held: Scalia seems to have confused decisions of nineteenth century courts endorsing prohibitions on the carry of concealed weapons as somehow supporting legal concealed carry.....

What kind of gibberish is this? "Prohibitions on the carrying of concealed weapons somehow support legal concealed carry"? How on earth do you come up with that? What is that supposed to mean?

And you have the temerity to accuse Justice Scalia of being confused? You really don't have a clue, do you. You don't understand what the Court was saying or why the Court was citing cases like Chandler and Nunn? So I guess I'm going to have to tell you why.

Chandler and Nunn were cited with several other cases to demonstrate that 19th Century courts found the rights protected by the Second Amendment to be personal rights but subject to regulation or restriction. And indeed, that's what the Court told us in Heller (554 U.S. 570, at 626, emphasis added):
...Like most rights, the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited. From Blackstone through the 19th-century cases, commentators and courts routinely explained that the right was not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose. See, e.g., Sheldon, in 5 Blume 346; Rawle 123; Pomeroy 152–153; Abbott 333. For example, the majority of the 19th-century courts to consider the question held that prohibitions on carrying concealed weapons were lawful under the Second Amendment or state analogues. See, e.g., State v. Chandler, 5 La. Ann., at 489–490; Nunn v. State, 1 Ga., at 251; see generally 2 Kent *340, n. 2;... ...
where the Court in Heller used Chandler and Nunn as examples of 19th courts sustaining limitations on the rights protected by the Second Amendment.

As the Court also wrote in Heller (611 -- 613, emphasis added, footnotes omitted):
...Many early 19th-century state cases indicated that the Second Amendment right to bear arms was an individual right unconnected to militia service, though subject to certain restrictions. A Virginia case in 1824 holding that the Constitution did not extend to free blacks explained that “numerous restrictions imposed on [blacks] in our Statute Book, many of which are inconsistent with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, both of this State and of the United States as respects the free whites, demonstrate, that, here, those instruments have not been considered to extend equally to both classes of our population. We will only instance the restriction upon the migration of free blacks into this State, and upon their right to bear arms.” Aldridge v. Commonwealth, 2 Va. Cas. 447, 449 (Gen. Ct.). The claim was obviously not that blacks were prevented from carrying guns in the militia....See also Waters v. State, 1 Gill 302, 309 (Md. 1843) (because free blacks were treated as a “dangerous population,” “laws have been passed to prevent their migration into this State; to make it unlawful for them to bear arms; to guard even their religious assemblages with peculiar watchfulness”). An 1829 decision by the Supreme Court of Michigan said: “The constitution of the United States also grants to the citizen the right to keep and bear arms. But the grant of this privilege cannot be construed into the right in him who keeps a gun to destroy his neighbor. No rights are intended to be granted by the constitution for an unlawful or unjustifiable purpose.” United States v. Sheldon, in 5 Transactions of the Supreme Court of the Territory of Michigan 337, 346 (W. Blume ed. 1940) (hereinafter Blume). It is not possible to read this as discussing anything other than an individual right unconnected to militia service. If it did have to do with militia service, the limitation upon it would not be any “unlawful or unjustifiable purpose,” but any nonmilitary purpose whatsoever.

In Nunn v. State, 1 Ga. 243, 251 (1846), the Georgia Supreme Court construed the Second Amendment as protecting the “natural right of self-defence” and therefore struck down a ban on carrying pistols openly. Its opinion perfectly captured the way in which the operative clause of the Second Amendment furthers the purpose announced in the prefatory clause, in continuity with the English right:

“The right of the whole people, old and young, men, women and boys, and not militia only, to keep and bear arms of every description, and not such merely as are used by the militia, shall not be infringed, curtailed, or broken in upon, in the smallest degree; and all this for the important end to be attained: the rearing up and qualifying a well-regulated militia, so vitally necessary to the security of a free State. Our opinion is, that any law, State or Federal, is repugnant to the Constitution, and void, which contravenes this right, originally belonging to our forefathers, trampled under foot by Charles I. and his two wicked sons and successors, re-established by the revolution of 1688, conveyed to this land of liberty by the colonists, and finally incorporated conspicuously in our own Magna Charta!”​

Likewise, in State v. Chandler, 5 La. Ann. 489, 490 (1850), the Louisiana Supreme Court held that citizens had a right to carry arms openly: “This is the right guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States, and which is calculated to incite men to a manly and noble defence of themselves, if necessary, and of their country, without any tendency to secret advantages and unmanly assassinations.”...
Note also in the foregoing that the Court cites a Virginia case, Aldridge v. Commonwealth, and a Maryland case, Waters v. State, each of which (1) holds that the Second Amendment describes an individual right; and (2) sustains law barring Blacks from possessing firearms. Is the Court citing those case to suggest that such a limitation would be acceptable today?

Of course not. The Court said, explicitly, that all those cases, including Nunn and Chandler, were cited to show that (Heller, at 611):
..Many early 19th-century state cases indicated that the Second Amendment right to bear arms was an individual right unconnected to militia service, though subject to certain restrictions....

....Those early cases are bad law today, as they acted to ban concealed weapons, whereas now the emphasis is on the carry of concealed weapons....
Why does that make those cases "bad law"? Why would the current, apparent societal preference for concealed carry make cases supporting the banning (or, a fortiori , regulating) concealed carry of firearms when open carry is freely allowed make those cases irrelevant or inapplicable?

Those cases might well have limited precedential value. But so what. The Court in Heller was not citing them as precedent, i. e., controlling the outcome in Heller. The Court was citing those cases as part of its analysis of the history of RKBA jurisprudence and to show how historically the courts of our nation had viewed the Second Amendment, viz., (Heller, at 611):
...Many early 19th-century state cases indicated that the Second Amendment right to bear arms was an individual right unconnected to militia service, though subject to certain restrictions....

And as part of historical overview the Court cites some cases which are clearly inapplicable today: Aldridge and Waters, both of which sustain laws prohibiting Blacks from possessing guns.

Justice Scalia was not confused, but you appear to be hopelessly confused and confounded.
 
In Heller (554 U.S. 570, at 626), Scalia used the 19th century cases to justify the regulation of concealed carry (illegal for the most part). But as the relevant statues at the time were enacted almost solely to prohibit the carry of concealed weapons by certain classes of persons, they are of little dispositive value today, beyond the fact they were found to be constitutional in mandating where weapons could not be born, i.e., concealed.

The above is a Spartan condensation of an opinion blogged on the Volokh Conspiracy, probably predating Heller, perhaps to be found in the amicus briefs for Heller. I will try to sort that when time permits. In the meantime, the lost post that probably started this skirmish is nowhere to be found, and for that I apologize for the ensuing confusion. Going forward, I will keep a tighter rein on the keyboard.
 
In Heller (554 U.S. 570, at 626), Scalia used the 19th century cases to justify the regulation of concealed carry (illegal for the most part).....
Hogwash.

Heller had nothing whatsoever to do with justifying regulation of concealed carry. Heller was about the District of Columbia laws regulating possession of handguns in the home. That was the issue being litigated in Heller. The Court had no reason to try to justify the regulation of concealed carry nor was it trying to justify the regulation of concealed carry. In Heller the Court had absolutely no interest in concealed carry. It was not an issue.

The references to Chandler and Nunn, together with reference to several other 19th Century cases regulating firearms in other ways, were for the purpose of showing that historically 19th Century courts had viewed the RKBA (1) as a personal right unconnected with service in a militia; and (2) subject to regulations, thus supporting the core holding of Heller. The Court indeed explicitly told us that as demonstrated by my quotes, above, from the Scalia opinion.

....The above is a Spartan condensation of an opinion blogged on the Volokh Conspiracy, probably predating Heller, perhaps to be found in the amicus briefs for Heller....
What a disgraceful attempt to legitimize your preposterous notions by making this vague reference to Volokh. What a cheap, rhetorical trick.
 
You do frame the issue quite well.

However, there is a way to embarrass lawmakers that only give us lip service, but who do not restore our rights. Under current Florida law, you can carry your holstered pistol out in the open, as long as the pistol itself is covered. Pistol-shaped holsters with lids are great for this. Google P38 holsters. You can find them on Amazon. I bought one and will wear it openly in Florida if open carry fails again at the hands of RINOs.

Also Google "Glock sock" - a covering with a graphic of a pistol printed on it.

People can protest by wearing these on public property where you can't be trespassed merely for being armed. Wear them at publicly owned parks, libraries, zoos, theaters, etc. And at festivals and fairs on public property.

Spare mag carriers are also legal to be openly carried.

This will show people the stupidity of the open carry ban. Folks know we carry. Why do we have to hide the exercise of our rights? Is there any other Constitutional Right that is treated this way, especially one that "shall not be infringed"?

Janet Reno is dead, and her legacy of orchestrating the open carry ban in 1987 should also die.


There are two reasons why there will be no open carry in Florida anytime soon:

An unwarranted concern on the part of lawmakers that it might have an adverse effect on tourism, the state’s number one industry.

Florida lawmakers have no desire to deal with the thorny issue of carrying firearms – open or concealed carry – on private property.

Indeed, Florida’s ‘parking lot’ provision caused much conflict between concealed carry advocates and defenders of the rights of private property owners while it was being implemented.

Current proposed legislation to make liable private property owners who prohibit firearms on their property is likewise perceived as an attack on private property rights by some.
 
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