D. C. Court of Appeals Upholds D.C. Registration and AWB in Heller 2

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I get the fact that this is the real life. You don't always get what you want, and things don't always go your way.

That said, freedom certainly is at risk here at home if our elected leaders and appointed judges believe that our fundamental rights are merely "political rights". If that is true, then politicians-- and the judges they appoint -- can abridge, alter or even eliminate them and the Constitution and Bill of Rights have been reduced to just rotting sheets of antique paper, the quaint relics of a dead dream.

A biased judge that is ideologically driven by prejudice and ignorance is one of the vilest and most dangerous of despots.
 
Yokel,

I think you have just defined the popular term "a living, breathing document". What your post describes is exactly what the Progressive/Liberal/Socialist movement is all about.

Poper
 
Yokel,

I think you have just defined the popular term "a living, breathing document". What your post describes is exactly what the Progressive/Liberal/Socialist movement is all about.

Poper
Compare and contrast the minority which want to ban all guns with the "what part of shall not be infringed don't you get?" minority who want no restrictions on any arms, and you see how ridiculous both of those positions are.

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Well, according to the D.C. Circuit Court in Heller 2, the "substantial burden" test from Nordyke is most emphatically not the same as the Breyer interest balancing test that the majority in Heller rejected.
I would imagine that Don Kates and Don Kilmer have a disagreement with the DC Circuit... Fact is, Kilmer actually called it just that in an open forum over at CalGuns.

Not the first time an attorney disagreed with a court! ;)
 
The boundaries and protections of the Second Amendment will take decades to determine. It took half a century for the Supreme Court to define what the freedom of speech in the First Amendment did and did not protect.

We have only been at this for a few years. We must be patient. If you don't want to wait on the judicial process, then elect representatives who will repeal some of the stupid laws.
 
I don't mean to cloud the issue with facts, but Justice Scalia (a far right-winger under anyone's estimation) wrote for the Court in Heller;

[Nothing in the opinion should] be taken to cast doubt on long standing prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.

The F.F.'s did not include such exemptions in the 2A, nor were there laws (in 1789) banning guns in "sensitive" places or prohibitting the mentally ill from owning guns, nor requiring gun dealers to be licensed. Antonin Scalia (along with Justice Thomas) is a big proponent of "originalism," yet he seems to have embraced the "living" constituion school of const. interpretation in the Heller opinion.
I guess Scalia is a liberal/progressive/socialist too.
 
On the contrary, you just have the wrong idea about what "originalism" vs a "living" constitution actually means.

Just because such laws did not exist in the 18th century doesn't mean that they were precluded by the people who lived then's understanding of the constitution.

What an originalist would argue is that as the constitution was originally understood, prohibitions on the possession of weapons by felons, the mentally ill, etc etc would not have been unconstitutional.

A "living constitution" type would argue that those things used to be unconstitutional, but the constitution and its relationship to the people and the law changed, and now they are constitutional.
 
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[Nothing in the opinion should] be taken to cast doubt on long standing prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.

Bingo.
That SCOTUS decision is not a ringing endorsement of our Second Amendment rights.
 
belecrous said:
I don't mean to cloud the issue with facts, but Justice Scalia (a far right-winger under anyone's estimation) wrote for the Court in Heller;

[Nothing in the opinion should] be taken to cast doubt on long standing prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.

I would like to point out footnote 26, which was appended to the end of that quote and says "We identify these presumptively lawful regulatory measures only as examples; our list does not purport to be exhaustive. Scalia is not saying that every such restriction is constitutional, he is only presuming they are lawful.

However, I don't understand how your comments are relevant to the D. C. decision? Are you suggesting that this paragraph justifies the D.C. court decision without anything else?

The F.F.'s did not include such exemptions in the 2A, nor were there laws (in 1789) banning guns in "sensitive" places or prohibitting the mentally ill from owning guns, nor requiring gun dealers to be licensed. Antonin Scalia (along with Justice Thomas) is a big proponent of "originalism," yet he seems to have embraced the "living" constituion school of const. interpretation in the Heller opinion.

There were laws restricting the carry of firearms in 1789 and prior to 1789. In fact, Scalia listed a dozen sources discussing founding era restrictions on firearms starting with Blackstone in 1769 in the very next paragraph of the part you are quoting. So like azmjs, I disagree with your view that Scalia's interpretation is a "living constitution", though I'll grant you that he has selectively interpreted the originalist view in order to get a decision that will receive 5 votes. I guess I could blame him for that; but I'm more inclined to blame the 4 votes that made it necessary.
 
Bingo.
That SCOTUS decision is not a ringing endorsement of our Second Amendment rights.

On the contrary, it is an absolute grand slam home run of an endorsement.

If the court were full of madmen and fools who declared that the second amendment precluded "long standing prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms," the second amendment would become a severe serious liability.

The constitution would have to be amended.
 
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Azmjs; I understand what the different schools of thought concerning constituional interpretation are. In 1789 there were no federal laws prohibitting the mentally ill, felons, etc. from owning guns. Also, in 1789, the 2A was was a right granted to the states, not individuals, so original intent as it regards the 2A is out the window to begin with.

Your post "A "living constitution" type would argue that those things used to be unconstitutional, but the constitution and its relationship to the people and the law changed, and now they are constitutional" is correct, it also proves my point.

Alsaqr; You're correct, but it's the best decision we've had yet (along with McDonald). We need to build on it. SCOTUS knew they were changing the meaning of the Const. with Heller so they are incorporating the 2A piecemeal. Change is easier to swallow in small bites and SCOTUS knows that.

Bartholomew: Yes, Scalia said the restrictions he listed were "presumed" valid. Those issues were not before the bar in Heller and even if the Court's opinion ruled against them such verbiage would have been considered "obiter dicta." Ruling on them would have been meaningless as those issues were not argued before the Court. If an issue is not fully argued before a court such ruling is not considered valid under the "due process" clause.

No federal law prohibitted the mentally ill, etc., from owning guns in 1789. The F.F.'s didn't include any such prohibitions in the 2A. They could have, but they didn't chose to limit the states in this respect. Perhaps they thought the states were doing ok in this regard, we don't know. It does show one of the problems (and there are many) in using original intent as a guiding principle in constsitutional interpretation.

Azmjs (latest post); Heller & McDonald are far from a "grand-slam" so much as gun rights go. A good step in the right direction, and a big one too, but Heller was a base-hit, so was McDonald.

The Constitution has been amended by judicial fiat as much, if not moreso, than by the formal amendment processes.
 
belercous said:
Also, in 1789, the 2A was was a right granted to the states, not individuals, so original intent as it regards the 2A is out the window to begin with.

First of all, the Bill of Rights does not "grant rights." It recognizes pre-existing rights and pledges that the federal government will not interfere with them. You claim to be familiar with Second Amendment law, surely you've read Cruikshank where it states: "The right there specified is that of "bearing arms for a lawful purpose." This is not a right granted by the Constitution. Neither is it in any manner dependent upon that instrument for its existence."

So among the rights the federal government recognized as pre-existing in the Bill of Rights, was the right of individuals to keep and carry firearms - thus the right is an individual right (as so ruled in Heller and McDonald, and as described by virtually every single commentary on the Amendment by the Founding Fathers).

Bartholomew: Yes, Scalia said the restrictions he listed were "presumed" valid. Those issues were not before the bar in Heller and even if the Court's opinion ruled against them such verbiage would have been considered "obiter dicta." Ruling on them would have been meaningless as those issues were not argued before the Court. If an issue is not fully argued before a court such ruling is not considered valid under the "due process" clause.

I'm an attorney. You don't need to explain dicta or why the Court won't rule on issues not before it to me.

No federal law prohibitted the mentally ill, etc., from owning guns in 1789. The F.F.'s didn't include any such prohibitions in the 2A. They could have, but they didn't chose to limit the states in this respect.

This statement is puzzling to me for several reasons.

On the one hand, your ability to distinguish between state and federal governments shows you understand at least some concepts of federalism. Yet at the same time, you seem to believe that the Bill of Rights is some grant of power to the states rather than it being a restraint on the powers of the federal government demanded by the states.

Second, you appear to believe that the originalist view of the Second Amendment applied only to states, yet you argue here that the Founding Fathers could have chose to include provisions preventing the mentally ill from owning firearms as part of a document titled "Bill of Rights" for a clause that didn't apply to individuals at all; but only to states?

It does show one of the problems (and there are many) in using original intent as a guiding principle in constsitutional interpretation.

I am not seeing the problem for these reasons:

The Second Amendment prevents the federal government from regulating the pre-existing right of individuals to keep and carry firearms. The pre-existing right (as described by Blackstone in 1769 and similar founding-era commentators) that was recognized at that time did not include the mentally-ill, people in prisons, etc. Felons (and fewer crimes were felonies) were typically executed or imprisoned in conditions that amounted to execution during colonial times so the issue of Second Amendment rights for released felons was largely a non-sequitr. Recognizing this is, in fact, an originalist view.

As a corrollary, people in prisons in 1789 were not afforded free speech. The First Amendment makes no exceptions for people in prisons. Was this because the Founding Fathers wished to extend the full panopoly of First Amendment rights to prisoners or was it simply understood at the time the First Amendment was drafted (originalist view) that some restrictions on the free speech of prisoners were necessary to run a prison?
 
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