Finished reading it last night. Scweeet! Talk about a Christmas present from the POTUS!
This document bluntly acknowledges many things regarding 2A:
-That the right to keep and bear arms is an individual one,
-The to keep means to personally own, and have at one's residence
-That to bear means to carry, and that bearing arms is not exclusive to the military context
-That the right is not conditioned upon actual military/militia/state guard service.
(Sidebar: IMO, too many 2A advocates have pandered to fraudulent 20th century district court rulings, trying to secure their RKBA by associating themselves with militia units)
-The the purpose of 2A is many fold:
-To provide for the militarily useful armament of and wide dissemination of military knowledge of the citizenry at large
-To provide for the personal defense of the people
-As a side effect, protect the K&B of arms for private lawful purposes
-To protect the "essential nature of a free state", not merely the security of the state:
"....But the security of a free State was not just these things. It also was understood to include the security of freedom in a state. Thus, while Blackstone recognized the individual liberty of the press as "essential to the
nature of a free state," pre-1787 state constitutions described the same right as "essential to the security of freedom in a state." "
And so on and so forth.
The document really is quite focused on whether the right is individual or not, and while it stays away from issues of scope, it hints quite broadly:
It discusses at length England's "game laws", bluntly pointing out that they were backdoor civilian disarmament initiatives, and places 2A firmly in the context of being a preventative measure to such things.
It hints that the category of arms protected are quite broad, primarily concerned with a soldier's individual military weapons at the core, and hunting/sporting weapons at the periphery.
It hints pretty firmly that 2A is intended to apply to the states, but leaves open the question of the scope of regulatory powers. At minimum, it acknowledges the powers of states to regulate concealed carry, but does not acknowledge the powers of states to prohibit carry in general. IIRC, there were several sections that directly rejected the mechanism of prohibition via regulation.
IMO, serious defenders of 2A need to read and be familiar with this document, in addition to the 1982 Senate report.