jerkface11
Member
This is what we get when we get liberal friends to become gun owners. They don't advocate for the second amendment. They become the "gun owner" that gun control groups trot out when they don't want to look radical.
And you don't think 11 million spent on false advertising by Bloomberg and his group plus the fact we had a school shooting just weeks before had something to do with it ? How do you know most gun owners are for them ? I know I have never been asked and at 65 years old there has been plenty of time for someone to ask me. Just because you like them does not mean every one else does.Had UBCs been on the ballot they would have passed by a landslide just like in Washington. UBCs passed in Washington not because gun owners didn't turn out but because plenty of gun owners support UBCs as I do.
This is what we get when we get liberal friends to become gun owners. They don't advocate for the second amendment. They become the "gun owner" that gun control groups trot out when they don't want to look radical.
Jim Crow and lynching weren't "controversial" in Alabama in 1902 either.No UBCs are not controversial, not in a place like Oregon.
Clearly AHSA lives...There are collaborators in every war.
Screening Gun Buyers
Enacted in 1994, the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act required FFLs to conduct a background check on all handgun buyers and mandated a one-week waiting period before transferring the gun to the purchaser. A total of 32 states were required to implement the provisions of the Brady act. The remaining states[5] and the District of Columbia were exempted because they already required a background check of those buying handguns from FFLs. In 1998, the background check provisions of the Brady act were extended to include the sales of long guns and the waiting period requirement was removed when, as mandated by the initial act, it became possible for licensed gun sellers to perform instant record checks on prospective buyers. The policy intent was to make gun purchases more difficult for prohibited persons, such as convicted felons, drug addicts, persons with certain diagnosed mental conditions, and persons under the legal age limit (18 for long rifles and shotguns, 21 for handguns). In 1996, the prospective purchasers with prior domestic violence convictions were also prohibited from purchasing firearms from FFLs.
Theoretically, by raising the cost of acquisition, this procedure reduces the supply of guns to would-be assailants and to some persons who might commit suicide. Several BJS studies have demonstrated that Brady background checks have created obstacles for prohibited persons who attempt to purchase a gun through retail outlets (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1999, 2002). The Bureau of Justice Statistics (2002) reported that, from the inception of the Brady act on March 1, 1994, through December 31, 2001, nearly 38 million applications for firearms transfers were subject to background checks and some 840,000 (2.2 percent) applications were rejected. In 2001, 66,000 firearms purchase applications were rejected out of about 2.8 million applications (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2002). Prospective purchasers were rejected because the applicant had a felony conviction or indictment (58 percent), domestic violence misdemeanor conviction or restraining order (14 percent), state law prohibition (7 percent), was a fugitive from justice (6 percent), or some other
disqualification, such as having a drug addiction, documented mental illness, or a dishonorable discharge (16 percent) (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2002).
These figures suggest the possibility that the Brady act might be effective in screening prohibited purchasers from making gun purchases from FFLs. Based on descriptive studies revealing heightened risks of subsequent gun offending, some researchers suggest extending the provisions of the Brady act to a wider range of at-risk individuals, such as persons with prior felony arrests (Wright et al., 1999) and misdemeanor convictions (Wintemute et al., 1998). Wright et al. (1999) compared the gun arrest rates of two groups in California. The first consisted of persons who were denied purchases because they had been convicted of a felony in 1977. The second was purchasers who had a prior felony arrest in 1977 but no conviction. Even though the former group would reasonably be labeled as higher risk, they showed lower arrest rates over the three years following purchase or attempt to purchase. It is important to recognize that the group of convicted felons who attempt to purchase through legal channels may be systematically lower risk than the entire felony population, precisely because they did attempt to use the prohibited legitimate market; the finding is suggestive rather than conclusive.
Wintemute et al. (1998) also recognize that extending the provisions of the Brady act would greatly complicate the screening process. Moreover, while this policy seems to prevent prohibited persons from making gun purchases in the primary market, the question remains what, if any, effect it has on purchases in the secondary market, on gun crimes, and on suicide.
Using a differences-in-differences research design and multivariate statistics to control for state and year effects, population age, race, poverty and income levels, urban residence, and alcohol consumption, Ludwig and Cook (2000) compared firearm homicide and suicide rates and the proportion of homicides and suicides resulting from firearms in the 32 states affected by Brady act requirements (the treatment group) compared with the 19 states and the District of Columbia (the control group) that had equivalent legislation already in place. Ludwig and Cook (2000) found no significant differences in homicide and suicide rates between the treatment and control groups, although they did find a reduction in gun suicides among persons age 55 and older in the treatment states. This reduction was greater in the treatment states that had instituted both waiting periods and background checks relative to treatment states that only changed background check requirements. The authors suggest that the effectiveness of the Brady act in reducing homicides and most suicides was undermined by prohibited purchasers shifting from the primary market to the largely unregulated secondary market.
While the Brady act had no direct effect on homicide rates, it is possible that it had an indirect effect, by reducing interstate gun trafficking and hence gun violence in the control states that already had similar laws. Cook and Braga (2001) document the fact that criminals in Chicago (a high control jurisdiction) were being supplied to a large extent by illegal gun trafficking from south central states, in particular Mississippi, and that a modest increase in regulation—imposed by the Brady act—shut down that pipeline. However, this large change in trafficking channels did not have any apparent effect in gun availability for violent acts in Chicago, as the percentage of homicides with guns did not drop after 1994 (Cook and Braga, 2001). Moreover, the authors found that the percentage of crime handguns first purchased in Illinois increased after the implementation of the Brady act, suggesting substitution from out-of-state FFLs to instate FFLs once the advantage of purchasing guns outside Illinois had been removed.
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5. The 19 remaining states include: California, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maryland, Massachusetts, Missouri, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Carolina, South Dakota, and Virginia.
UBCs do nothing but pave the way for REGISTRATION, BANS, and CONFISCATION.UBCs do nothing to restrict a person's right to buy and sell guns as long as all parties involved can legally participate in the sale.
"Responsible" to WHOM? Josh Sugarman?Yes, I have been a vocal supporter of UBCs. That is part of the mission of THR - To support responsible gun ownership.
I've taken upon myself to contradict the false message put out by the NRA that gun owners do not support background checks.
JSH1 said:Things are improving in Oregon. Passed SB 941 requiring universal background checks last year. SB 945 didn't pass (It set penalties for allowing minors unauthorized access to firearms). If we can get SB 945 passed next year our state gun laws will be all squared away.
Up for discussion: Did Oregon improve its laws by passing SB 941, requiring background checks for private party firearm transfers?
This is what we get when we get liberal friends to become gun owners. They don't advocate for the second amendment. They become the "gun owner" that gun control groups trot out when they don't want to look radical.
The AHSA types calling for more and more gun control, are "responsible gun owners" in the same sense that a brownshirt, haranguing a crowd about Jews controlling the banks was a "free speech advocate".Yup.
It is a total fallacy that all gun owners support the Right to keep and bear arms.
We have close family friends who always vote Democrat pretty much straight ticket, support gun control laws, don't want me to carry in their home, and would never ever have a loaded gun in their house because it's too dangerous
But they are gun owners!
Originally Posted by JSH1
If we can get SB 945 passed next year our state gun laws will be all squared away.
No doubt.I bet that, in the future, he'll want things even more squared away.
Since this is the second time you said that I guess I'll shed some light on what actually happened. The Oregon legislature has been trying to pass UBCs for years but they didn't have the votes. In 2014 the key swing vote needed to pass UBCs was up for reelection. Chuck Riley (a Democrat) took money from Mom's Demand Action it the full light of day, and said if elected he would work to pass UBCs. He won, the next session UBCs were introduced again, they passed. There was a recall effort against Riley that failed.
Had UBCs been on the ballot they would have passed by a landslide just like in Washington. UBCs passed in Washington not because gun owners didn't turn out but because plenty of gun owners support UBCs as I do.
On UBCs in Oregon. The process is no different than a gun purchased from a dealer. The cost is $10 to Oregon (who runs their own checks) and the records are kept for 5 years. The law also has a good section on temporary transfers. I've done one private transfer since the law passed, and my FFL charged $15.
Time will tell how effective the measure is. Washington did something even more important at the same time which will swamp the effect from UBCs but that is off topic for THR.
I seek not to change the minds of the fifth columnists.Quite a thread. I do not believe the mind (i.e.) ideology of folks like JSH1 (who certainly has the 1A behind him) would be changed on this thread or this forum.
I seek not to change the minds of the fifth columnists.
I seek to prevent them from changing the minds of the uninformed.
This why these threads turn ugly.
It's politicians and the culture of the area, not Californians, that, do this.
Over the last DECADE:
NV has had almost 2X the net increase of Californians as compared to Oregon and 3X as compard to Washinton. (Comparisons are a percentage, not gross number)
AZ, as a %, is almost exactly the same as Oregon and 2X that of WA.
That's what the DATA shows.
AZ and NV have both gotten better over the last decade where-as WA and Oregon have gotten worse.