I don't know of any books detailing the issue, but I'd love to get my hands on one. My information is gleaned from UK legal sources and the firearm-related books by UK authors I've encountered. The upper class Brit of the 19th century seemed to have absolutely no problem buying and owning firearms, whether it was handguns in London or double guns in Africa. The powers that be in Parliament rejected a series of anti-handgun laws in the 1890's, but with the rise of the Red Revolution at the dawn of the century their tune started to change. By the end of WWI and the overthrow of the Tsar in Russia, the Brits were really terrified that revolution would spread.
At the risk of boring the folks on the thread who aren't interested, I'll repeat that Cramer link with an excerpt...
http://www.claytoncramer.com/firear~1.htm
FEAR AND LOATHING IN WHITEHALL:
BOLSHEVISM AND THE FIREARMS ACT OF 1920
In 1870, there were no laws regulating the possession, purchase, and peaceful carrying of firearms in Britain. Anyone, child or adult, could buy a pistol, load it, and carry it under his coat with no legal consequences. As late as 1920, the law presented no obstacle to an adult without a criminal history purchasing a rifle, shotgun, or pistol, and carrying it concealed upon his person.[1] Yet today, Britain has some of the most restrictive gun control laws in the world.
The Firearms Act of 1920 was a watershed of British firearms control. From its passage, the ownership of firearms ceased to be a right of Englishmen, and instead became a privilege -- one increasingly restricted over the intervening 75 years. Under the direction of the Home Office, police discretion in licensing throughout Britain has made ownership of firearms an increasingly rare event. Why was the Firearms Act of 1920 passed?
There are several possible causes for the Firearms Act of 1920, all of which are plausible explanations: concern about criminal misuse of firearms; gun-running to Ireland; increased political violence in the pre-World War I period. Yet examination of the Cabinet papers declassified in 1970, and Cabinet Secretary Thomas Jones' diaries, shows that all of these other concerns were insignificant compared to the fear of Bolshevik revolution.
First of all, it is necessary to clearly understand that the absence of firearms controls was not because low crime rates made them unnecessary, but because Britons considered the possession of arms to be a right. The English Bill of Rights (1689) asserted by its passage that the people were "vindicating and asserting their ancient rights and liberties," including the seventh article:
7. That the subjects which are protestants, may have arms for their defence suitable to their conditions, and as allowed by law. [2]
This guarantee reflected the widespread fear of absolutism and Jacobite royal tyranny. Some have defended this claim of "ancient rights and liberties" with great skill.[3] The most scholarly examination, however, shows that in the aftermath of the English Civil War, political theorists imagined what had formerly been a duty to bear arms in defense of the realm and public order into a "true, ancient, and indubitable right."[4]
Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England (1765) also asserted this right:
The fifth and last auxiliary right of the subject, that I shall at present mention, is that of having arms for their defense, suitable to their condition and degree, and such as are allowed by law.
t is indeed a public allowance, under due restrictions, of the natural right of resistance and self-preservation, when the sanctions of society and laws are found insufficient to restrain the violence of oppression.[5]
Both the English Bill of Rights and Blackstone's remarks show that significant restrictions ("suitable to their condition and degree") hemmed in this right. Nonetheless, both still defined this as a right to arms.
Jacobite absolutism seemed an adequate reason in 1689 to enshrine the Protestant Englishman's right to arms, especially since the English Bill of Rights limited only the power of the sovereign, not of Parliament. But as Joyce Malcolm observes: "It is easy to defend popular liberties when `things remain in their legal and settled course,' but far more difficult when anarchy, not absolutism, threatens."[6]
The agricultural slump after the Napoleonic Wars led to widespread unrest, riots, and assemblies calling for Parliamentary reform. After the so-called Peterloo massacre, the conflict between the right to bear arms and fear of working class unrest led the English courts to distinguish between the differing reasons for bearing arms. The courts concluded that there was an individual right to bear arms for self-defense, but there was no right to carry arms as part of an organization, or to a political rally.[7]
More ominously, the Seizure of Arms Act, one of the "Six Acts" passed in 1819 by Parliament in response to the unrest, provided for constables to search for and seize arms on the testimony of a single person that they were being kept for a purpose "dangerous to the public peace." The Seizure of Arms Act was limited to the industrial areas where riots took place, and with a two year expiration period. Nonetheless, in the House of Lords, Earl Grey called it a violation of the rights of Englishmen "not only for defence against the assassin or the midnight robber, but to enforce his constitutional right of resistance to oppression, if deprived of the benefit of the laws."[8]
In the Commons, M.P. Bennet argued the same point:
[T]hat the distinctive difference between a freeman and a slave was a right to possess arms, not so much... for the purpose of defending his property as his liberty. Neither could he do, if deprived of those arms, in the hour of danger."[9]
Even Lord Castlereagh, then foreign secretary, admitted: "t was an infringement upon the rights and duties of the people, and that it could only be defended upon the necessity of the case. But that necessity now existed...."[10] Similar measures had been applied to civil war in Scotland and Ireland in the past, Castlereagh observed. M.P. Brougham pointed out that in both cases, however, these civil wars had involved foreign assistance -- unlike this case.[11]
Yet even the Seizure of Arms Act had made distinctions based on the function of different classes of arms that were to be seized. "Any pike, pike head or spear in the possession of any person or in any house or place..." was subject to confiscation. Yet "any dirk, dagger, pistol or gun or other weapon" was to be seized if it was for "any purpose dangerous to the public peace...."[12] This distinguished between weapons perceived as offensive and defensive, for even the supporters of the Seizure of Arms Act generally accepted the right to possess arms for self-defense.[13]
The Seizure of Arms Act expired after two years, and Parliament passed no similar restrictions between 1819 and the end of the nineteenth century, even during the turbulence of the Chartist movement. Greenwood suggests that by the time of the Chartists, the professionalization of the police forces meant that the government relied less upon paid informants as a source of information on subversives. (Paid informants were prone to exaggeration because they perceived that their value to the police was dependent on the seriousness of the information they provided.) In addition, information provided by firearms manufacturers persuaded the Home Secretary that the Chartists were not arming for revolution, despite alarming newspaper accounts to the contrary.[14]
So relaxed were British firearms controls throughout the remainder of the nineteenth century that Parliament passed only one measure regulating the carrying or possession of firearms: the Gun Licences Act of 1870. This measure required a license to carry a firearm (concealed or openly) outside one's home. Greenwood asserts:
It was merely an Excise Act and required, with certain exceptions, that any person carrying or using a gun elsewhere than in or within the curtilege of a dwelling-house should pay a revenue fee of ten shillings. The licence was available, without question, at any Post Office.[15]
Parliament considered several firearms control bills between the Gun Licences Act of 1870 and the end of the century. These bills either sought enhanced penalties for armed burglary, or proposed requiring a hunting or carrying license as a condition of purchasing a handgun. The combination of substantial opposition to restrictions on arms and a perception that the bills were superfluous caused all to die on the first or second reading in the House of Commons.
Most of these proposals were aimed at criminal misuse.[16] Yet there were other motives present as well. When the Marquess of Carmarthen introduced the Second Reading of his 1895 Pistols Bill in the Commons, he "complained that he would have preferred a Bill which provided that no one but a soldier, sailor or policeman should have a pistol at all, because they were a source of danger to their possessors...."[17]
The Pistols Act of 1903, in contrast to the similar, somewhat more restrictive measures introduced in 1893 and 1895, passed with little debate. Greenwood suggests that because proof of being a householder was one of the three methods by which a buyer qualified to buy a handgun, this measure was not regarded as an attack on the right to bear arms. Since the stated goal was to prevent children from buying handguns from retailers, and it accomplished that and nothing else, the Pistols Act was uncontroversial.[18]
The absence of laws regulating handgun ownership might be evidence that private ownership in Britain was rare as the nineteenth century waned. The literature of the period, however, shows that handguns as defensive weapons were considered an ordinary part of British life. H. G. Wells' The Invisible Man portrays both American visitors and Britons using pistols for self-defense, with an awareness that British lawful use of deadly force was more restrictive than in America:
"Draw the bolts," said the man with the black beard, "and if he comes--" He showed a revolver in his hand.
"That won't do," said the policeman; "that's murder."
"I know what country I'm in," said the man with the beard. "I'm going to let off at his legs. Draw the bolts."[19]
In the climax, a police official asks a British civilian for a revolver with the expectation that there is one in the house.[20] Similarly, in The War of the Worlds, Wells portrays a young lady defending herself from ruffians with a revolver she keeps under the seat of her carriage, with no indication that this was surprising or unusual.[21]
Bram Stoker's fiction also provides some idea of how late Victorian society regarded handguns. "The Squaw," published in the mid-1890s, depicts the relationship between an upper class British couple on their honeymoon in Nurnberg, and "Elias P. Hutcheson, hailing from Isthmian City, Bleeding Gulch, Maple Tree County, Nebraska," a figure who is portrayed as comical, but also decent, intelligent, well-intentioned -- and armed:
"I say, ma'am, you needn't be skeered over that cat. I go heeled, I du!" Here he slapped his pistol pocket at the back of his lumbar region. "Why sooner'n have you worried, I'll shoot the critter, right here, an' risk the police interferin' with a citizen of the United States for carryin' arms contrairy to reg'lations!"[22]
Hutcheson meets a tragic end, but Stoker treats his carrying of a pistol in violation of German law as colorful, with no more horror than we regard driving slightly over the speed limit on the Interstates.
Dracula, Stoker's most famous novel, is awash in handguns. Unlike "The Squaw," the American Jonathan Harker is not the only person armed with a handgun. Eventually, most of the vampire hunters carry them (not for use against Dracula, but for defense against his living employees). Like Wells' novels, Stoker's fiction expresses neither horror nor amazement at ordinary people possessing and carrying handguns for self-defense.[23]
Sir Arthur Conan Doyle's Sherlock Holmes stories might be regarded as not meaningful to this paper's purposes, since Holmes, by the nature of his occupation, must occasionally deal with some rough characters. Yet it is not only the eccentric Holmes who possesses a revolver, and occasionally practices with it inside his apartment, to his landlady's irritation[24] -- but also Dr. Watson.[25]
Yet during this period of firearms laissez-faire before World War I, the Government was discussing handgun restrictions. The Home Office apparently prepared a more restrictive revision of the Pistols Act in 1911. The Sidney Street Siege involving Russian anarchists that year, and the events leading up to it, caused the Home Office to introduce a somewhat narrower measure, the Aliens (Prevention of Crime) Bill of 1911. This bill sought to restrictively license carrying or ownership of a handgun by aliens, but failed to get to Second Reading in the Commons.
The British Government's continuous upheaval during this time, followed by World War I, seems to have stopped efforts to more tightly regulate firearms.[26] Home Secretary Edward Shortt in 1920 suggested that Parliamentary objections had also prevented licensing of handguns before World War I: "The Home Office had a Bill ready but in the past there have always been objections."[27]
What motivated the Home Office's never-introduced 1911 Pistols Act, and their continuing interest in the subject after World War I? One possible reason was the dramatic increase in shots fired at London police officers. While the total number of officers killed, injured, or fired upon remained small, the increase from 1908 to 1912 would have seemed staggering, especially since the "bobby" was unable to return fire:[28]