Federalism and Medical Marijuana

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Langenator

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Something that started rattling around in my head while I was waiting for the alarm clock to go off this morning...

California passed a law allowing the use of marijuana for medical purposes, when prescribed by a doctor. The Feds (DEA) jump in and say tough, MJ is still prohibited by federal law and if the state won't arrest you (I'm referring to the medical MJ growers/distributors [pharmacists?]), we will.

Why doesn't one of the folks arrested by the DEA challenge any arrest/conviction on federalism grounds, namely that the federal government lacks the authority to regulate activity that doesn't cross state lines? Said MJ is being grown in CA, sold to people in CA, who have prescriptions written by doctors in CA. No interstate commerce, no federal authority. The recent case (I forget the name and location) involving the guy who was scratch building machine guns for his own use would bolster the case here.

Bill Lockyer could do something useful for a change and help the challenge.
 
Why doesn't one of the folks arrested by the DEA challenge any arrest/conviction on federalism grounds, namely that the federal government lacks the authority to regulate activity that doesn't cross state lines?
Because that's been tried. Whether or not the fed have authority depends on the larger picture. Examples are the dairy and mining industries.
 
so much for states rights, the Bush admin paid it a lot of lip service in the campaign but has contested states rights more than Clinton. Under Bush, Ashcroft has gone afetr medical pot, euthenasia and a couple other state supported issues that escape me.

Apparently "states rights" is just as susepctible to abrogation by Repubs as libs, it's all about the re-election.
 
1. States do not have any rights, they have powers, which may be trumped by federal law, see Article VI;

2. Ashcroft and the USAs under him have enforced the law as to dope.

While a legit policy question, dope is not yet a constitutional question.

To answer Lap's question, seems like an excellent constitutional issue to raise to me. Anything to stuff the Commerce Clause monster back in the bottle sounds good to me.:)
 
Article VI states that federal law supercedes state law, which is all well and good.

But nowhere in Article I, Section 8, does it state that Congress has the power to prohibit a person from possessing anything, be it drugs, machine guns, or sarin gas. Amendment X does grant the states the power to do so.

The Commerce Clause of Art I, Sec 8 (Congress shall have the power...to regulate commerce...among the several states) says to me that Congress can prohibit items being bought and sold, or, probably, even being transported from one state to the next.

Said medical MJ is not being bought, sold, or transported across state lines. Therefore, the federal law has no power to regulate it in any way.
 
Under Bush, Ashcroft has gone afetr medical pot, euthenasia and a couple other state supported issues that escape me.

Apparently "states rights" is just as susepctible to abrogation by Repubs as libs, it's all about the re-election.

Yes, he tried both in Oregon and failed. Ashcroft is such a POS. He'll be back.
 
Said medical MJ is not being bought, sold, or transported across state lines. Therefore, the federal law has no power to regulate it in any way.

Sure they have the power under 2 different view points.

A) Might makes right. ( I do not have to like it to admit it )

B) The goden rule i.e. he who has the gold makes the rules ( gold = federal funds )

NukemJim
 
While a legit policy question, dope is not yet a constitutional question.
Respectfully, I disagree. Anytime the federal government oversteps the bounds laid out in the Constitution, it is most definitely a Constitutional question.

So, the question really is: By what authority conferred in the Constitution does the federal government prohibit a citizen from growing marijuana for his or her own use?
 
So, the question really is: By what authority conferred in the Constitution does the federal government prohibit a citizen from growing marijuana for his or her own use?

Exactly. And why haven't California or Oregon (I forgot about their law) challenged this?

My only answer to my last question is that both CA and OR are run by left of center types, and a huge chunk of their political agenda, at the federal level, is based on the current, expansive interpretation of the Commerce Clause. They don't want to risk their whole house of cards.
 
I remember about 6 months or a year ago reading about a case somewhere in the Central Valley that was exactly on point to this discussion: Medical MJ, federal arrest, and they were arguing under the 10th Amendment that the federal government doesn't have authority in the matter. Does anybody have any further information on this case?

Also, I recall that in the medical MJ case that went to the USSC, Cannibis Buyers' Club or something like that, the Court, after ruling that the "medical necessity" argument of the defendents didn't work, noted that there might be other issues that the defendents hadn't brought up that might come into play. I had a sense of, "If you ask the right question, you might get a different answer." My guess at the time was that the Court was referring to exactly this issue--that the federal government has no constitutional power to regulate a drug that is produced and consumed within a state without ever crossing state lines.
 
Also, in 1919, it was recognized that it required an amendment to the Constitution for the federal government to ban alcohol. So, the Constitution was amended. When that experiment failed, that amendment was repealed, again by amendment, in 1933.

I don't seem to recall a similar amendment being passed that permits a federal ban on marijuana. Did I miss something?
 
Also, in 1919, it was recognized that it required an amendment to the Constitution for the federal government to ban alcohol.

Was this a SCOTUS case? I'd love to read it if it was. If that's what the Court said, then, as long as I live in the same state as the manufacturer, they Fed's can't bar them from making, and selling to me, and me owning, any sort of firearm. Thus (since I live in SC at the moment) FN could sell me an M240 and it would be legal, since the Feds have no authority to bar them from doing so.
 
No, as far as I know, that wasn't a SCOTUS case. In those days, people understood the Constitution, and it was, I believe, completely obvious to all that Congress didn't have that power, so they initially proceded by amendment.

(I have very limited knowledge of how the 18th Amendment came to be, so please don't quote me as a reference.)

(Also, for the record, contrary to what my posts here might suggest, I'm opposed to marijuana use. I am, however, far, far more opposed to the Congress regulating something that it has no constitutional authority to regulate.)
 
Maybe I'll have to wander down to the USC (for those of you west of the Mississippi, I'm referring the U. of South Carolina) law library and root around in the SCOTUS decisions from 1919. Congress may very well have tried Prohibition without an amendment first and got their hand smacked by the Supremes. Not all that familiar with the history of Prohibition.

I'm not at all in favor of marijuana use either (although I personally believe if you want to injest/inhale substances that melt your brain, that's your own problem, not the government's). Starbucks is my drug dealer of choice. But I do think this issue is obviously one of the feds regulating something that they have no authority to. And the thought of getting Bill Lockyer to help roll back the Feds' power is just delicious.
 
"If we were to accept the government's arguments, we are hard pressed to posit any activity by an individual that Congress is without power to regulate."

From U.S. v Lopez, 1995. There is hope. And a med MJ challenge would be sure to bring that case up and probably be successful. Which would hopefully lead to more challenges of "Commerce Clause Abuse"

I really do like Walter E. Williams. My favorite of all the folks who guest host for Rush. Almost makes me want to go back to school just so I can take a class from him.
 
Commerce Clause pushed back a little

A small victory, but still a victory. And from the 9th Circuit, no less.

http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2003/12/17/MNG9K3P15V1.DTL

-------------------
SF Chronicle
17 Dec 2003

Medical pot wins a legal victory
U.S. appeals court ruling is likely to face a challenge

Medical marijuana advocates scored a potential legal breakthrough Tuesday when a federal appeals court ruled that two Northern California women could use locally grown pot without risking federal prosecution.

The federal ban on marijuana is probably unconstitutional as applied to individuals who obtain the drug without buying it, get it within their state's borders and use it for medical purposes on their doctors' advice and in compliance with state law, said the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco -- the first court ever to issue such a ruling.

The 2-1 decision could be short-lived, however. The appeals court has regularly seen its precedent-setting decisions, particularly those by liberal panels, overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court. In 2001, the high court overruled a Ninth Circuit decision that would have allowed marijuana cooperatives to supply the drug to patients who could not be treated by legal substances.

The 2001 ruling expressly left some marijuana-related issues unresolved, including the question addressed Tuesday: whether Congress' power to regulate interstate commerce applies to locally grown medical marijuana.

Attorney Robert Raich, whose daughter, Angel of Oakland, is one of the two plaintiffs in the case, said he thought the ruling stood a strong chance of withstanding a likely appeal by the Bush administration's Justice Department.

"It's really based on the Supreme Court's own precedents,'' he said, citing decisions from the past decade that have limited Congress' power to regulate local, noncommercial activities, such as gun possession near schools.

The ruling left a dent in federal drug laws that could get deeper in the near future. Another panel of the court is considering appeals by two medical marijuana distributors -- a collective in Santa Cruz and a buyers' cooperative in Oakland -- that claim a constitutional right to supply pot produced within California.

Tuesday's ruling made it clear, however, that the court was approving only the personal medical use of marijuana that the women grew themselves or had someone grow for them. "This class of activities does not involve sale, exchange or distribution'' and thus is unlikely to affect interstate commerce, said Judge Harry Pregerson.

Besides California, the ruling affects six other states in the Ninth Circuit's jurisdiction that also have medical marijuana laws: Arizona, Oregon, Washington, Nevada, Alaska and Hawaii.

From the start, the case has been the medical marijuana movement's strongest hope of creating some legal breathing space for California's 1996 initiative, Proposition 215, which allows medical use of pot with a doctor's recommendation.

The federal government, under former Presidents Bill Clinton and George Bush, has relied on the conflicting federal law to shut down California pot dispensaries, raid medical marijuana growers and, in the past few years, prosecute suppliers. With few exceptions, federal courts have backed the government.

In one such raid, in August 2002, federal agents seized and destroyed six marijuana plants grown by Diane Monson of Oroville (Butte County), who uses the drug to relieve severe chronic back pain and muscle spasms.

Monson is a plaintiff in the case along with Angel Raich, who has used marijuana every two waking hours for five years to combat pain and the side effects of other therapies for a brain tumor, wasting syndrome, a seizure disorder and other conditions. Raich's doctor said that other medications had been useless or harmful and that Raich might die without marijuana.

Neither woman has been prosecuted. Their lawsuit, filed in October 2002, asks for an injunction that would allow them to keep using marijuana without prosecution. U.S. District Judge Martin Jenkins of San Francisco denied the injunction in March, saying he was doing so reluctantly but under compulsion of rulings allowing federal prosecution of users of locally produced drugs.

But the appeals court said Tuesday that the previous rulings involved recreational or other nonmedical use of drugs that could easily be dealt in interstate commerce. Marijuana that is grown locally and obtained by a patient for medical purposes falls into a different category, the court said.

"The intrastate, noncommercial cultivation, possession and use of marijuana for personal medical purposes on the advice of a physician is, in fact, different in kind from drug trafficking,'' Pregerson, joined by Judge Richard Paez, said in the majority opinion.

"The medical marijuana at issue in this case is not intended for, nor does it enter, the stream of commerce,'' Pregerson said.

In dissent, C. Arlen Beam, a visiting judge from the federal appeals court in St. Louis, said marijuana was a commercial product under the broad definition used by Congress and upheld by the Supreme Court.

"The cultivation of marijuana for medicinal purposes is commercial in nature,'' Beam said. He said Raich and Monson were growing and using "a fungible crop which could be sold in the marketplace.''
 
Jacob Sullum weighs in...

Pot Luck
A victory for federalism
Jacob Sullum


Roscoe Filburn and Diane Monson both got into trouble with the federal government because of plants they grew. The future size and shape of that government hinges on whether those plants were any of its business—and, if so, why.

Filburn, an Ohio farmer, grew 23 acres of wheat, 12 more than he was allowed under the Agricultural Adjustment Act. Most of it stayed on his farm, where he milled it into flour for his family, fed it to his livestock, and used it to plant the next year's crop. In 1941 Secretary of Agriculture Claude Wickard fined Filburn for his excessive self-reliance.

Monson, a California office manager and bookkeeper, grew six marijuana plants, six more than she was allowed under the Controlled Substances Act. She planned to use the cannabis to relieve severe back pain and muscle spasms caused by a degenerative spine disease, as permitted under California's Compassionate Use Act. In 2002 agents of the Drug Enforcement Administration raided her home and seized the plants.

Filburn challenged Wickard's penalty in federal court, arguing that the Constitution did not give the federal government the authority to tell him how much wheat he could grow on his own land for his own use. The Supreme Court disagreed, saying Congress was legitimately exercising its power to regulate interstate commerce.

After all, Filburn might decide to sell the wheat, and even if he didn't, he reduced overall demand by growing his own. In the aggregate, the Court reasoned, growing wheat for home consumption could have "a substantial economic effect on interstate commerce."

For more than half a century Congress has used this expansive reading of the Commerce Clause as a license to legislate on just about any subject it likes, gradually erasing the crucial constitutional distinction between state and federal powers. Only recently has the Court begun to suggest that the Commerce Clause is not infinitely elastic, and it still has not revisited Wickard v. Filburn.

So when Diane Monson and another medical marijuana user, Angel McClary Raich, sought an injunction to prevent the DEA from seizing their cannabis or arresting them, they had to convince a federal court that their situation was different from Roscoe Filburn's in a way that mattered. In a case that suggests both the promise and the limits of the Supreme Court's recent Commerce Clause decisions, they succeeded.

On December 16, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit ruled that the Controlled Substances Act "is likely unconstitutional" as applied to Monson and Raich, overturning a district court's refusal to grant them a preliminary injunction. The 9th Circuit concluded that growing marijuana (or obtaining it for free from others, as Raich does) for one's own medical use "is not properly characterized as commercial or economic activity." It added that any impact on interstate commerce would be "attenuated."

This is the third case this year in which the 9th Circuit has tried to define the boundaries of the Commerce Clause. Each decision has been narrow: The first involved child pornography that never crossed state lines and was not intended for distribution; the second dealt with homemade machine guns that met the same criteria; and the most recent one is limited to "the intrastate, noncommercial cultivation and possession of cannabis for personal medical purposes as recommended by a patient's physician pursuant to valid California state law."

But taken together, these rulings help revive the idea that the Commerce Clause is not a blank check. They also show that "federalism is not just for political conservatives," as Monson and Raich's attorney, Boston University law professor Randy Barnett, put it. At the same time, the cases show how tricky it is to enforce limits on federal power without reconsidering the "substantial effects" doctrine exemplified by Wickard.

The dissenting judge in Monson and Raich's case argued that growing marijuana for your own medical use is no less "economic" or "commercial" than growing wheat to feed your family. He has a point. Like Filburn's wheat, Monson's marijuana could be sold, and in any case growing your own medical marijuana affects the overall demand for cannabis (and possibly for pharmaceutical substitutes).

The constitutional argument for letting the DEA seize Monson's marijuana is ridiculous, but it's not indisputably more ridiculous than the constitutional argument for letting the Department of Agriculture fine Filburn. When the law is a joke, it's hard to predict which arguments the courts will take seriously.

Jacob Sullum is a senior editor at Reason and the author of Saying Yes: In Defense of Drug Use (Tarcher/Putnam).
 
Another good discussion of the case is here

http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig4/watkins4.html

An excerpt:

The Commerce Clause, in pertinent part, provides that Congress has the authority "[t]o regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes." At the time of the Framing, commerce was understood as "ntercourse, exchange of one thing for another, interchange of anything; trade; traffick." (See Samuel Johnson’s Dictionary of the English Language (3d ed. 1765)). It was not understood to encompass local activities such as agriculture.

By permitting Congress to regulate interstate commerce, the Framers did not contemplate restrictions on cannabis or any other home-grown crop. Instead, they sought to create a great free-trade zone within the United States. Alexander Hamilton predicted that an "unrestrained intercourse between the States themselves will advance the trade of each by an interchange of their respective productions." Madison noted that the main purpose of the Commerce Clause "was the relief of the States which import and export through other States, from improper contributions levied on them by the latter." In other words, the Framers sought to remove internal trade barriers. A nation-wide free trade zone, almost all agreed, would permit the states to take advantage of division of labor and lessen tensions as goods freely crossed borders.

Lest anyone claim that the commerce power was a mechanism to interfere with local affairs, Hamilton specifically noted in Federalist No. 17 that the Commerce Clause would have no effect on "the administration of private justice . . . , the supervision of agriculture and of other concerns of a similar nature."
 
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