Bartholomew Roberts
Member
Jonathan Cowan was a Clinton-era HUD official in charge of the HUD guyn buybacks during that administration. After the Democrats lost, he went to work for the Democrat-run "Americans for Gun Safety" gun control group.
In 2003, he delivered a speech to the DLC highlighting how gun owners could be split just enough to enact further gun control and how to sell that message to their constituents. This is an opinion piece that everybody here needs to read and understand. The Dems didn't follow his advice in 2004; but they seem to be following it now...
http://www.dlc.org/ndol_ci.cfm?kaid=126&subid=189&contentid=252171
In 2003, he delivered a speech to the DLC highlighting how gun owners could be split just enough to enact further gun control and how to sell that message to their constituents. This is an opinion piece that everybody here needs to read and understand. The Dems didn't follow his advice in 2004; but they seem to be following it now...
http://www.dlc.org/ndol_ci.cfm?kaid=126&subid=189&contentid=252171
What we want to do here is have a nuts-and-bolts discussion on how to seize the cultural center in three critical areas: national security, role of religion in public life, and responsible gun ownership. And we have two highly qualified people to talk about those issues. Let me introduce them in the order we're going to call on them to speak.
First, Jonathan Cowan, who is president of Americans for Gun Safety, which is the second successful nonprofit group that he started and directed. In 1992 he co-founded Legal Leave, which was the nation's leading generation ex-advocacy group. That's back when you were young, Jon. He was a spokesman for the rising generation, which was shoving us boomers aside, but we didn't resent it too much. Anyway, that organization has chapters in all 50 states and hundreds of colleges and campuses and is tremendously important. And now the work that Jon is engaged in on guns I think is changing the debate, and it's really the Americans for Gun Safety that commissioned and designed what I think is the most creative poll on the gun issue, specifically, but probing public attitudes about a difficult cultural issue generally than I think I've ever seen.
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JON COWAN: Morning, afternoon, wherever we are exactly now. I will try to be brief. I'm kind of sandwiched in between Al, who did some of the highlights from our poll, and the workshops this afternoon, which are going to -- our gun workshop will get into a great deal of detail. So I will cover some of the ground that's going to be covered in both of those places but try to go a little bit of a different direction.
First of all I want to thank the entire DLC team in particular Al and Will and Holly, who made this all happen. Thank you all a lot. It's a real honor partnering with you. Also the team from Americans for Gun Safety is here: Jim Kessler and Deborah Barron.
Why did AGS, Americans for Gun Safety, choose to partner with the DLC in this conference, other than the fact that we were personally fond of Al and Will and Holly? We did because we're a non-partisan organization and our mission is not about either political party. Our mission is reasonable gun safety laws, reduction in gun crime and violence in the country. We partnered with the DLC because the Democratic Party has been the traditional driver of reasonable, sensible gun policy in the country, and as you all know if you've been reading almost any newspaper in the last couple years, the Democratic Party has been really in retreat on this issue.
So, as a gun safety advocate, as somebody who's deeply passionate about the issue, if we're interested in advancing our cause, we have no choice but to make sure that the party that has traditionally been responsible on this issue continues to take that leadership role.
Let me tell you a little bit about Americans for Gun Safety so you have a context. We were started three years ago by a guy named Andrew McKelvey. You all won't know Andy's name but you'll know his company and their ads. Andy owns Monster.com, so I'm sure everybody has seen the Monster ads starting a few years ago at the Super Bowl. Andy had never been in politics -- he's in his late 60s -- and he decided that he was really passionate about the gun issue after Columbine. He has a couple of kids and Columbine really bothered him, and so he gave the majority of the money to fund the actual Million Mom March. And after the march he really decided, you know, I want to do something: I'm an entrepreneur, I want to do my own thing on this.
So he came and he met a couple of us. I was working as Andrew Cuomo's chief of staff in the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and he came to a couple of us, met us with some friends and said, I want to start an organization -- let's do this -- but I want to do it in a different way. The two things I want to be different are I want to see if we can actually make more progress on the issue instead of being kind of ideologically rigid about it; and secondly, I'd like to run it like a business. Andy's expertise at Monster, as you all know, is branding and marketing -- and I want to bring that kind of branding and marketing business discipline to an organization.
So, I'm no fool. If somebody says they'll spend millions of dollars on a cause and they'll put you in charge of it and you get to hire the best people you can find and go take on one of the toughest, most polarizing issues in the country, that's the entire reason I got into politics in the first place, as everybody in this room did, so it was exciting to do.
The AGS, as I said, started three years ago, and our goal was this: to carve out a centrist position in the gun debate. As you all know, the debate is incredibly polarizing, one of the most polarizing in the country. You have the NRA on the right and then you have the traditional gun control groups on the left, and neither speaks to where the center of the country is -- and I'll get into that in little bit more detail. So we set out to carve out a centrist position. The first thing we did was we went into Colorado and Oregon. Both states have ballot initiatives to require background checks at gun shows.
Now, you'd think, well, you know, in the wake of Columbine, gosh, that would be no problem; it would just pass. Closing the gun show loophole is a reasonable policy. In Colorado it looked like it would pass but in Oregon it looked like it was going to fail. It was polling at under 50 percent as a ballot initiative. We stepped in. We were not the ones who put it on the ballot. We stepped in to help out about two months out from Election Day. We spent about $3 million. We recruited John McCain to appear in our ads. We did about half a million pieces of direct mail, a quarter of a million phone calls. We ran a professional campaign like any of you would run for office, and we won overwhelmingly in both states, and in fact, we carried a majority of gun owners in both states.
So that was the first time we really went out and road-tested this question of, is there a center on the gun debate? Can you win over a meaningful number of gun owners? Since then, AGS has gone on to try to carve out this centrist position in Washington on national legislation. And I'll get to that in a moment.
Who do our opponents think we are? Well, our opponents are of course, not surprisingly, the National Rifle Association. And our opponents have had this to say about us: At one of their recent conferences, Wayne LaPierre said that Americans for Gun Safety was a greater threat to American freedom than Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda. (Laughter.) I kid you not. They've gone on to say rather widely in all of their magazines that Americans for Gun Safety is the most lethal of all the gun control groups.
Why do they say that? They say that not just because it helps raise money, which it does; they say that because they realize that we are on to something, that there is really a center position in this debate. And in fact, if you think of the National Rifle Association in a business or marketing context and you question market share -- how much of the market share of gun owners do they have that they purport to speak for? Well, there are about 65 (million), 70 million or so gun owners in the country, gun-owning households, depending on whose survey you look at. Well, the NRA has three million members. Well, that's a lot of members and they have a ton of money and they're very powerful, but that's a tiny percentage of market share. What that means is that the vast majority of gun owners do not feel so threatened about guns and somebody taking away their guns that they feel a need to belong to the NRA. Now, that means, again, that there's a huge percentage of gun owners that fall into this centrist, reasonable, moderate category.
Now, that's the basics of who we are and why we're doing this. Let me step back for a moment and kind of quickly recount recent gun history, the politics of guns, because it really brings me to what we're here today to do and the message we're trying to carry both here and in the workshops.