Slow start for Gephardt in Iowa money primary
By Sam Dealey
Where Rep. Richard Gephardt needs the most help to advance his presidential prospects, he isn’t getting it — at least publicly.
Early support from two chief constituencies — Iowans and organized labor — that are essential to the White House hopes of the Missouri Democrat has been surprisingly tepid so far.
Documents filed with the Federal Election Commission show that Gephardt reported raising a scant $1,000 in all from only three donors in Iowa in the first quarter of 2003.
PATRICK RYAN
Rep. Richard Gephardt (D-Mo.)
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His presidential campaign amassed nearly $6 million during the same period, including $3.35 million from individuals. Candidates are required to report donations from individuals of $250 or more.
Gephardt’s campaign pooh-poohed the poor fundraising results in Iowa and said the $1,000 total does not adequately reflect the candidate’s support in the state, which he won in his first presidential outing, in 1988.
With its first-in-the-nation caucus, tentatively scheduled for Jan. 19, Iowa is a pivotal state for the Gephardt 2004 campaign. It was the only state he carried in his abortive 1988 presidential campaign, and his status as the only Midwesterner among Democratic frontrunners is presumably an asset. Additionally, Democratic politics in Iowa is dominated by organized labor, a constituency Gephardt has staunchly supported.
“If you are trying to equate [Gephardt’s] fundraising in Iowa with his political strength in Iowa, then you don’t understand how the caucus system works,†said Gephardt spokesman Erik Smith. “It’s apples and oranges,†he said.
Although the race for the presidency is still in its early stage, first-quarter filings are significant for campaigns because they demonstrate the viability of a candidate. Financial support from such early-decision states as Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina is especially important.
“If they were looking to show strength or money [in Iowa], they missed it,†said Jennifer Palmieri, a spokeswoman for the presidential campaign of Sen. John Edwards (D-N.C.).
“Our goal is not to raise money in Iowa,†Smith countered. “Our goal is to put together an effective, grassroots organization.â€
Gephardt made four trips to Iowa in the first quarter of this year to attend at least a dozen events.
Despite the low fundraising total — Iowa is not traditionally a big-money state for political campaigns — campaign aides and consultants to other Democratic hopefuls said Gephardt’s support in Iowa is stronger than his contributions suggest.
Still, even by Iowa standards Gephardt’s fundraising totals are anemic. Among other Democratic frontrunners, Edwards raised $4,000 in Iowa and Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) raised $11,000. Former Gov. Howard Dean (Vt,) reported raising $7,750. Even Rep. Dennis Kucinich (Ohio) took in $1,711 from Iowa supporters.
By comparison, Edwards reported raising $157,800 from individuals in South Carolina, his own make-or-break state. Colloquially known as the “Gateway to the South,†the state’s primary is the third in the nation, along with several others, on Feb. 3.
Kerry netted $34,600 from supporters in New Hampshire. The Granite State is the second presidential primary, scheduled for Jan. 27, and is considered his must-win contest.
Across the three most important primary states, Gephardt trailed Edwards, Kerry and Dean in the early phases of the money race. The Missourian reported raising just $1,500 in New Hampshire and $2,000 in South Carolina.
But Iowa isn’t the only area in which key, early support for Gephardt appears to be soft. Despite receiving the early endorsement of the International Association of Bridge, Structural, Ornamental and Reinforcing Iron Workers, Gephardt has not convinced other leaders of organized labor about his ability to win.
“He’s still very well-liked and well-supported, but I don’t think he’s perceived as strong enough,†Robert Bruno, labor professor at the University of Illinois, told The Associated Press earlier this month, echoing similar comments from labor groups such as the AFL-CIO, the Service Employees International Union and the Association of Federal, State, County and Municipal Employees.
In February, the Iowa United Auto Workers announced that it will remain neutral in the Democratic primary. The potent state union went against its national parent in 1988 to endorse Gephardt and was indispensable to his victory in the state.
“Nothing’s going to be handed to Mr. Gephardt,†said Smith of support from organized labor. “He’s going to have to ean it,†he asserted.
Anything to make them understand that they might as well fade into history can only help.
By Sam Dealey
Where Rep. Richard Gephardt needs the most help to advance his presidential prospects, he isn’t getting it — at least publicly.
Early support from two chief constituencies — Iowans and organized labor — that are essential to the White House hopes of the Missouri Democrat has been surprisingly tepid so far.
Documents filed with the Federal Election Commission show that Gephardt reported raising a scant $1,000 in all from only three donors in Iowa in the first quarter of 2003.
PATRICK RYAN
Rep. Richard Gephardt (D-Mo.)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
His presidential campaign amassed nearly $6 million during the same period, including $3.35 million from individuals. Candidates are required to report donations from individuals of $250 or more.
Gephardt’s campaign pooh-poohed the poor fundraising results in Iowa and said the $1,000 total does not adequately reflect the candidate’s support in the state, which he won in his first presidential outing, in 1988.
With its first-in-the-nation caucus, tentatively scheduled for Jan. 19, Iowa is a pivotal state for the Gephardt 2004 campaign. It was the only state he carried in his abortive 1988 presidential campaign, and his status as the only Midwesterner among Democratic frontrunners is presumably an asset. Additionally, Democratic politics in Iowa is dominated by organized labor, a constituency Gephardt has staunchly supported.
“If you are trying to equate [Gephardt’s] fundraising in Iowa with his political strength in Iowa, then you don’t understand how the caucus system works,†said Gephardt spokesman Erik Smith. “It’s apples and oranges,†he said.
Although the race for the presidency is still in its early stage, first-quarter filings are significant for campaigns because they demonstrate the viability of a candidate. Financial support from such early-decision states as Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina is especially important.
“If they were looking to show strength or money [in Iowa], they missed it,†said Jennifer Palmieri, a spokeswoman for the presidential campaign of Sen. John Edwards (D-N.C.).
“Our goal is not to raise money in Iowa,†Smith countered. “Our goal is to put together an effective, grassroots organization.â€
Gephardt made four trips to Iowa in the first quarter of this year to attend at least a dozen events.
Despite the low fundraising total — Iowa is not traditionally a big-money state for political campaigns — campaign aides and consultants to other Democratic hopefuls said Gephardt’s support in Iowa is stronger than his contributions suggest.
Still, even by Iowa standards Gephardt’s fundraising totals are anemic. Among other Democratic frontrunners, Edwards raised $4,000 in Iowa and Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) raised $11,000. Former Gov. Howard Dean (Vt,) reported raising $7,750. Even Rep. Dennis Kucinich (Ohio) took in $1,711 from Iowa supporters.
By comparison, Edwards reported raising $157,800 from individuals in South Carolina, his own make-or-break state. Colloquially known as the “Gateway to the South,†the state’s primary is the third in the nation, along with several others, on Feb. 3.
Kerry netted $34,600 from supporters in New Hampshire. The Granite State is the second presidential primary, scheduled for Jan. 27, and is considered his must-win contest.
Across the three most important primary states, Gephardt trailed Edwards, Kerry and Dean in the early phases of the money race. The Missourian reported raising just $1,500 in New Hampshire and $2,000 in South Carolina.
But Iowa isn’t the only area in which key, early support for Gephardt appears to be soft. Despite receiving the early endorsement of the International Association of Bridge, Structural, Ornamental and Reinforcing Iron Workers, Gephardt has not convinced other leaders of organized labor about his ability to win.
“He’s still very well-liked and well-supported, but I don’t think he’s perceived as strong enough,†Robert Bruno, labor professor at the University of Illinois, told The Associated Press earlier this month, echoing similar comments from labor groups such as the AFL-CIO, the Service Employees International Union and the Association of Federal, State, County and Municipal Employees.
In February, the Iowa United Auto Workers announced that it will remain neutral in the Democratic primary. The potent state union went against its national parent in 1988 to endorse Gephardt and was indispensable to his victory in the state.
“Nothing’s going to be handed to Mr. Gephardt,†said Smith of support from organized labor. “He’s going to have to ean it,†he asserted.
Anything to make them understand that they might as well fade into history can only help.