hatt said:
LOL. The NRA approved of the machine gun ban
The
NRA does not support the 1986 Hughes Amendment (922(o)) and
did not support the amendment in 1986 either. In fact, the NRA's Firearms Rights Civil Defense Fund supported
Farmer vs. Higgins - a case that began on October 14, 1986, just five months after 922(o) was enacted. The NRA supported that case all the way to the Supreme Court; but the Court declined to review the decision of the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals holding that 922(o) was legal.
And then the gun free school zone thingy which effectively banned armed travel they support.
I don't think you understand the
Gun-Free School Zones Act or the NRA's role in it. Because of the NRA, the Gun-Free School Zones Act is subject to state preemption and also has the following exclusions:
** The Act`s prohibitions do not apply to:
1) firearms on private property (including homes used for home schooling);
2) unloaded firearms in a locked container or locked firearms rack in a motor vehicle;
3) unloaded firearms possessed while traversing school grounds to access hunting land;
4) entry authorized by the school;
5) persons licensed by state or local authorities;
6) individuals using a firearm in a school program;
7) law enforcement officers acting in an official capacity.
The NRA in 1934 wasn't even a political organization, It was a club for the shooting sports. This happened about 42 years before the NRA even had an official lobbying organization that attempted to influence legislation directly. Assuming that today's NRA is identical to the NRA of 77 years ago shows a basic logical flaw.
And supported the GCA of 1968.
"On June 24, President Johnson again addressed the country, calling for mandatory national gun registration and licenses for every gun owner.
Around this time, polls showed that approximately 80 percent of Americans favored gun registration laws. The public flooded members of Congress with letters demanding greater regulation of guns. Protestors picketed the Washington headquarters of the NRA.[/irl] Even many members of Congress who had been staunch adversaries of strict firearms regulation crossed over to the other side and rallied in favor of a tough gun control bill.
Pro–gun control advocates mobilized and constructed an effective pro–gun control pressure group called the Emergency Committee for Gun Control.... Riding a wave of support, the Committee sought to counteract the highly organized and resource-laden NRA...
Facing this unprecedented, widespread push for gun control, the NRA became highly energized and rallied against the president's proposed regulations. National Rifle Association executive vice-president Franklin L. Orth argued publicly that no law, existing or proposed, could have prevented the murder of Senator Kennedy. On June 15, 1968, the NRA mailed a letter to its members calling for them to write their members of Congress to oppose any new firearms laws. Using hyperbole and emotionally charged rhetoric, NRA President Harold W. Glassen wrote that the right of sportsmen to obtain, own, and use firearms for legal purposes was in grave jeopardy. Furthermore, Glassen wrote, the clear goal of gun control proponents was complete abolition of civilian ownership of guns. Senator Joseph D. Tydings, Democrat of Maryland, who had introduced the provisions requiring licensing of gun owners and registration of firearms, responded to this accusation in a press conference calling the letter "calculated hysteria" and saying no bill would prevent law-abiding citizens from having guns. Nevertheless, Glassen's tactic effectively energized the membership of the NRA, then 900,000 strong, just as the public outcry calling for more firearms regulations was dissipating. Whereas Congress had encountered overwhelming support for more gun control measures in the week after Senator Kennedy's death, by late June and early July they reported the majority of the letters from constituents indicated opposition to any new gun control provisions.
The battle over the president's proposals continued in the halls of Congress in typical fashion, featuring emotionally charged debates and supporters split along specific demographic and ideological lines. In the House, opponents argued against a registration provision claiming it would be costly and ineffective in preventing crime. In the Senate, Dodd attacked the NRA, decrying its tactics of "blackmail, intimidation and unscrupulous propaganda." The licensing and registration provisions, backed solidly by northern liberals, were easily defeated in both the House of Representatives and Senate by a conservative coalition of Republicans and southern Democrats. However, the provisions banning mail-order and out-of-state sales of long guns and ammunition fared better, passing both the House and Senate. Eastern and Midwestern members of Congress overwhelmingly supported these measures, while those from the South and West were much less supportive. Members of Congress representing urban areas staunchly supported the bill, whereas those from rural sections of the country voted against it in significant numbers.
On October 22, President Johnson signed into law the Gun Control Act of 1968—an instrument which, just months earlier, was considered a lost cause because of staunch opposition." Source
