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DC Brief Released!

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Other arguments aside, it'll be interesting to see how SCOTUS (a group averaging well over 60) reacts to that.

Not to mention the implications of age-discrimination laws.
 
http://www.ngb.army.mil/About/default.aspx

Throughout the 19th century the size of the Regular Army was small, and the militia provided the bulk of the troops during the Mexican War, the early months of the Civil War, and the Spanish-American War. In 1903, important national defense legislation increased the role of the National Guard (as the militia was now called) as a Reserve force for the U.S. Army.

So we were a militia up to 1903 !!
 
The licensing requirement, which enables the District to prevent felons and other dangerous persons from keeping concealable weapons

Yes and it has worked great crime is unheard of in DC
 
This thing is hilarious.
The contrary holdings of the court of appeals were premised upon reasoning with no basis in law or logic.
Let's insult the judges. That ought to get SCOTUS on our side!
...children were particularly vulnerable—“1/4 of the victims are under 14 years of age.”
Ummmm, so that means that 75% of the victims were not children.
Guns stolen from even the most law-abiding citizens enable criminal gun violence.
So now we're responsible for what criminals steal?
The Council thus chose to “freez[e] the pistol . . . population within the District of Columbia.” ... The licensing requirement, which enables the District to prevent felons and other dangerous persons from keeping concealable weapons, is separate from the registration requirement applicable to all firearms.
Therefore, since no one can own a pistol in WDC, that means that all residents are either felons or dangerous persons.
Absent the handgun ban, District residents could register handguns and then apply for licenses to “carry” them.
Oh, the horror!
Respondent Heller owns handguns and long guns (i.e., rifles and shotguns) but stores them outside the District.
Gee, do you think that its because he can't keep the pistol inside the District???
...the district court granted the District’s motion to dismiss the complaint.
What good does it do to cite a ruling that was overturned by a higher court?
...the District’s contention that its regulatory scheme is reasonable because other weapons, such as shotguns and rifles, fully vindicate residents’ interests in self-defense.
Wait a minute. I thought the District said that self-defense was an invalid argument?
Although the District construes D.C. Code § 22-4504(a) as a licensing provision, not a flat prohibition on the use (“carrying”) of handguns, ...
But, but.. didn't they say earlier
...the handgun ban...
Curiouser and curiouser.
The District construes D.C. Code § 7-2507.02, which has never been interpreted by local courts and appears never to have been enforced, ...
So, why exactly do they want to keep a law that has never been enforced?
The text and history of the Second Amendment conclusively refute the notion that it entitles individuals to have guns for their own private purposes. ... Equally irrelevant was the fact that the District allows residents to keep rifles and shotguns for private purposes.
I'm getting a headache.
Firearms required to be unloaded and disassembled ... the District’s citizens, who may still possess operational rifles and shotguns.
How can a disassembled rifle be considered operational?

Mind you, this list only gets us up to page 11. The interested student can search for more logical flaws.
 
That the people have a right to bear arms for the defense of themselves and the state; and as standing armies in the time of peace are dangerous to liberty, they ought not to be kept up: And that the military should be kept under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power. {Penn Declaration of Rights}

(“That the people have a right to bear arms for the defence of themselves and their own state, or the United States, or for the purpose of killing game; and no law shall be passed for disarming the people or any of them, unless for crimes committed, or real danger of public injury from individuals . . . .”) (Pennsylvania ratifying minority);


These are a couple more key sections in the DC brief. pp50 & 52. Most of their entire argument is that the 2nd is applicable for protecting the people as part of the well regulated Militia only. They try to prove quite strongly the "strictly military meaning" that the words "bear arms" have. {“[o]ne does not bear Arms against a rabbit” or an intruder, Garry Wills, To Keep and Bear Arms"} Yet right here, in 2 clear and concise examples of the time they themselves quote, "bear arms" is used explicitly to refer to self defense AND "the killing of game". They lose big time here as well.
 
From the DC brief:

Because respondent does not assert a right to keep or bear arms in connection with militia duties, he has no Second Amendment claim.

Which leaves me wondering, why didn't the Court in the 1930's just tell Miller to go away because he was not involved in any militia? If their reasoning is correct, the Miller case should never have been heard.
 
Something we can do

In amongst all this stuff there is an argument on originalist lines trying to make the point that the RKBA is solely in the context of the Militia, and they support it with quotes from sources at the time. I think it would be an interesting excercise to go through those citations and find any that are blatantly out of context. (Which is something Saul Cornell got caught doing recently, so its not as if the grabbers don't have a track record there).

Now I am sure Gura et al will be doing that, but they only have (?) 60 days to get Heller's brief in, so if by the middle of next week a bunch of DC's cites had been blown away all over the internet, that would surely enable Gura to concentrate on other parts of the Respondents brief.

Incidentally, we should not be surprised or put off at the quality of the DC brief (although its tendentiousness is unavoidable given what they are trying to prove). They did after all have two top-flight law firms working on it for free, and having been completely outfoxed in the cert stage I am sure they put every possible effort into this.
 
Because respondent does not assert a right to keep or bear arms in connection with militia duties, he has no Second Amendment claim.
Which leaves me wondering, why didn't the Court in the 1930's just tell Miller to go away because he was not involved in any militia? If their reasoning is correct, the Miller case should never have been heard.
Which is great because now the court can rule on the significance of the 2ndA militia clause. It's an individual right and the militia is one example of why the right to keep and bear arms is in the BoA; the militia was/is not an exclusive reason.
 
I have always felt that given the Miller ruling, we have the "right" to military style firearms, yet no other.

That is, we have the constitutional right to own a Colt M4 select-fire rifle [ since it is used by the US military ], and not say, a .22lr target pistol.

[ not that it implies the others are instantly illegal.. but that there is no right to non-military appropriate firearms ]
 
All firearms have military use

k_dawg writes:
I have always felt that given the Miller ruling, we have the "right" to military style firearms, yet no other.

That is, we have the constitutional right to own a Colt M4 select-fire rifle [ since it is used by the US military ], and not say, a .22lr target pistol.

Two corrections.

1) The military most definitely has used .22lr target pistols. The famous 22 conversion for the 1911 was used for punching holes in paper -- not people. Target practice is a very legitimate military use. Similarly, the military has issued "survival" weapons (M6 and AR-7) for hunting purposes -- so subsistence hunting is also a military use. It would be very difficult indeed to identify ANY sort of firearm or firearm activity that is not used by the military. From bolt action hunting rifles to .410 shotguns to black powder muskets -- they've used them all.

2) You definitely do have a right to own a Colt M4 select-fire rifle, what you don't have is the ability to buy one.
 
Wouldn't this be great if the BATFE lost the 1968 ban on machine guns because the militia would need them as a military weapon....hey a guy can dream can't he.

I think you mean article 922(o) of the 1986 "Firearm Owners Protection Act"

1968 is bad to (if you like Mp5's)

I don't think milita is relevant IE the right of the people to keep and bear arms not the milita.
 
As just one example of the clever mendacity apparent within the brief, please consider the following. If you will, try to reconcile these two passages...one from the brief, and the other from US v. Miller.

On page 48 of the brief, last sentence, DC states:
Moreover, Miller never suggests that if a weapon is of the type that might be kept by someone in the militia, its potential status as an "arm" would be sufficient to render the weapon immune to proscription.

In the Miller opinion, the SCOTUS states the following:
In the absence of any evidence tending to show that possession or use of a "shotgun having a barrel of less than eighteen inches in length" at this time has some reasonable relationship to the preservation or efficiency of a well regulated militia, we cannot say that the Second Amendment guarantees the right to keep and bear such an instrument.
 
They did after all have two top-flight law firms working on it for free

...and it looks like they got their money's worth.:D

Yet right here, in 2 clear and concise examples of the time they themselves quote, "bear arms" is used explicitly to refer to self defense AND "the killing of game".

Yeah, I thought their "originalist" argument about the use of "bear arms" implying military use and military use only was the dumbest thing I saw in the whole brief, at least in the one pass I did. It is very easy to refute, and a 5-second Google search should have clued them in. I missed that they actually refuted it themselves.

I hope that our side of this case is laughing with glee. Actually, I have little doubt that they are.
 
Important Reference

The brief is divided into three main components, arguing:

1) The sophisticated collective rights view of the 2A (exclusively military context)...approx. 24 pages
2) Jurisdictional issues - the 2A applies only to states (and thus not DC)...approx. 5 pages
3) Reasonable restrictions don't violate 2A...approx. 18 pages

Regarding the first, and most lengthy, argument, is that the 2A must be read in exclusively militaristic terms and purposes....thus, that it does not and cannot protect arms for private use such as self defense, hunting, sports, etc. This is known academically as the "Sophisticated Collective Rights view."

Randy Barnett (among perhaps others) have refuted this view, and one of his papers can be downloaded here:

http://law.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1346&context=expresso
 
Just skimmed through the brief for the first time. I'm left wondering why the NRA was so afraid that this day might come? Yes, the Supreme Court has bought into some loads of manure in the past, but it's hard to see how we can lose this one.
 
left wondering why the NRA was so afraid that this day might come? Yes, the Supreme Court has bought into some loads of manure in the past, but it's hard to see how we can lose this one.

You might think that then there is:

KELO V. NEW LONDON

and

The Supreme Court ruling on McCain-Feingold finding that abomination upon free speech constitutional

Do not count the proverbial chickens yet, this is far from being in the bag.
 
It would be very difficult indeed to identify ANY sort of firearm or firearm activity that is not used by the military.
Actually, DC makes this very statement in their brief - going so far as to plainly state that the sawed-off shotgun in Miller DOES obviously have military use ... and then bizzarely states that the feds could ban it precisely because it was so common!
 
Probably my favorite line from the brief:
The text and history of the Second Amendment conclusively refute the notion that it entitles individuals to have guns for their own private purposes.
However, the text and history of the Second Amendment conclusively prove the notion that it entitles individuals to have guns to protect the state.

Hands please of anyone who thinks the Founding Fathers meant that one could personally own a firearm to protect the state but not himself.
 
Well, it seems they made their best case, or in other words, the only case that have.
 
Tagged so I'll remember to read it tomorrow.
From the posts, it sounds like amateur hour at the city attorney's office...

Kharn
 
Just skimmed through the brief for the first time. I'm left wondering why the NRA was so afraid that this day might come? Yes, the Supreme Court has bought into some loads of manure in the past, but it's hard to see how we can lose this one.

Because, SCOTUS could still rule against an individual right, and that would be a big blow to 2nd Amendment rights.

Even if we see it as cut and dried.
 
KELO V. NEW LONDON

Now I, apparently like 80% of the country across the political spectrum, did not like the Kelo verdict.

However, the 5th Amendment reads, "...nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation."

The verdict was rather narrow, and said that, since New London had a written and complete, large-scale redevelopment plan, and that the properties in question were a small part of it and were required to complete the large-scale redevelopment, and since the property owners were to be compensated for their property at fair market value, New London could indeed demand their sale. The decision stated that, without such a plan, or if these properties were targeted, the verdict would probably be different.

The Amendment promises "just compensation", and the verdict said that the property owners were offered exactly that. The Amendment does not promise that property will not be seized, and it can be a fine line.

Again, I don't like it. I was downright pissed off when the Kelo verdict came down, as were a great number of people right, left and center. We may disagree about government vs. business power, markets vs. regulation, etc., but Americans tend to believe that our homes are sacred, and that "private property" means something.

However, it is a greater stretch to say that "the right of the people" means "the right of the government" than that "nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation" means that cities can't eminent domain small bits of property, with compensation at market rates, as part of a large-scale redevelopment of a run-down waterfront.

That doesn't mean I'm counting my chickens before they hatch. It does, however, mean that I'm pretty happy to see that DC's brief is the best they can do with this. It's so full of holes, it's downright ridiculous, and I think they know it, too. It's not just our pro-gun biases, either; what I read here comes from some intelligent people with good reading and critical thinking skills.

We'll see how it turns out. But I'd feel much worse right now if I thought they really DID have some solid arguments that rank amateurs couldn't so easily rip apart just for fun on the 'net.
 
Well having read it in detail, I find that the DC lawyers do have one point going for them. Not that they should win, but that they're successfully pointing out an absurdity.

The issue crops up the strongest at the bottom of page 38 (note: that's as the pages are numbered, NOT how the Acrobat file numbers things!).

Let me quote them:

That view is particularly illogical because it sug-gests that the Framers uniquely disabled firearm regulation in the District and other federal enclaves, such as the territories and military bases. This Court has squarely held that the Second Amendment was adopted as a limitation on only federal, not state, leg-islation. Presser, 116 U.S. at 265. Although the ma-jority below suggested that the Second Amendment may subsequently have been incorporated against the states through the Fourteenth Amendment (PA37a-38a n.13), there is no dispute that the Second Amend-ment did not limit the states’ regulatory authority over firearms when enacted.9

And then here's footnote 9:

9 Although this case does not present the question of incorporation, there is no reason to think that a right to possess guns for personal use is a “principle of justice so rooted in the traditions and conscience of our people as to be ranked as fundamental” and “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty.” Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319, 325 (1937). Moreover, incorporation against the states would be curious since the Second Amendment was en-acted to protect state prerogatives.

Again: they're sorta right, in that if the Supremes today slavishly (pardon the pun) follow Presser (1886) and it's immediate ancestor Cruikshank (1876), we do indeed get an absurd result.

Here's the kicker:

* First thing, ignore Presser because all it does is refer back to Cruikshank for the "settled law" that the 2nd Amendment doesn't apply to the states. Don't take my word for it, here's Presser:

http://www.cs.cmu.edu/afs/cs.cmu.edu/user/wbardwel/public/nfalist/presser.txt

And here's the "money quote":

We think it clear that the sections under consideration, which only forbid bodies of men to associate together as military organizations, or to drill or parade with arms in cities and towns unless authorized by law, do not infringe the right of the people to keep and bear arms. But a conclusive answer to the contention that this amendment prohibits the legislation in question lies in the fact that the amendment is a limitation only upon the power of Congress and the National government, and not upon that of the States. It was so held by this court in the case of United States v. Cruikshank, 92 U. S. 542, 553, in which the Chief Justice, in delivering the judgment of the court, said, that the right of the people to keep and bear arms "is not a right granted by the Constitution. Neither is it in any manner dependent upon that instrument for its existence. The Second Amendment declares that it shall not be infringed, but this, as has been seen, means no more than that it shall not be infringed by Congress. This is one of the amendments that has no other effect than to restrict the powers of the National government, leaving the people to look for their protection against any violation by their fellow-citizens of the rights it recognizes to what is called in The City of New York v. Miln, 11 Pet. [102] 139, the 'powers which relate to merely municipal legislation, or what was perhaps more properly called internal police; 'not surrendered or restrained' by the Constitution of the United States." See also Barron v. Baltimore, 7 Pet. 243;

It cites a bunch of cases right after that but Barron matters - a LOT. We'll get to that.

Let's get back to Cruikshank.

That case (also cited in passing by the DC attorneys) is quite possibly the most racist, disgusting USSC decision ever.

In 1873, blacks tried to vote (per the then-new 15th Amendment) in a small town in Louisiana. The resulting Colfax Massacre resulted in at least 100 blacks dead and three whites. The kicker is that at the start, white state and local officials disarmed the blacks in preparation for the attack. The insanity ended with the Klan burning down the courthouse that had been "corrupted" by blacks attempting to vote there. Federal troops moved in to restore order.

About 60 whites were charged by the Federal government with civil rights violations, specifically:

* Violation of their 1st Amendment right to peaceful assembly (at the courthouse to vote).

* Violation of their 2nd Amendment right to arms.

* Violation of their 15th Amendment right to vote.

When it got to the Supreme Court, the court simply didn't like the 14th Amendment and ignored it, ruling that the Federal government could not enforce civil rights actions at all. Only the states could protect civil rights.

This led to generations of lynchings, general murder, terrorism and economic de-facto slavery perpetrated at the state and local level.

The Cruikshank decision:

http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?navby=CASE&court=US&vol=92&page=542

Today, the idea that the Feds couldn't take action if a state violated people's 1st or 15th Amendment rights is laughable. Yet DC is asserting that states CAN limit or eliminate people's 2nd Amendment rights under both Cruikshank and Presser.

It gets better.

Remember Presser's citation of Barron (1836)?

That's quite informative and this is the first time I've noticed it.

Barron is a famous case. In 1833 the town of Baltimore did some dredging that ruined Mr. Barron's boat docks (commercial shipping, major coin involved).

Barron sued in Federal court asserting that the city had taken his property improperly under the 5th Amendment.

The US Supremes ruled that the Bill Of Rights was only a limitation on the Federal government, not the states. Note: the ENTIRE BoR.

The top reason for the passage of the 14th Amendment (1868) was to overturn Barron. The primary author of the 14th (John Bingham) said so very clearly and today this is a given by Constitutional scholars of every stripe, left and right.

To quote Liberal Yale law professor Akhil Reed Amar:

But what, precisely, were the "privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States"? In 1859, Bingham offered no comprehensive summary, but strongly implied that all rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution were included. Though he did not use the magic words "Bill of Rights," he either quoted or paraphrased the rights to speech, press, religion, due process, just compensation, and jury trial. In 1866, Bingham spoke to the issue at much greater length and made himself about as clear as one could ever hope for. Over and over he described the privileges or immunities clause as encompassing "the bill of rights"-a phrase he used in a key speech on February 28th no less than a dozen times. [188] In that speech, he also explained why a constitutional amendment was necessary, citing by name and quoting from the Supreme Court's opinions in Barron and one of its progeny, Livingston v. Moore. [189] The day before, a colleague of Bingham's, Robert Hale, had suggested that states were already bound by the Bill, [190] but Bingham set Hale and others straight with the following quotation from Livingston: "As to the amendments of the Constitution of the United States, they must be put out of the case, since it is now settled that those amendments do not extend to the States ...." [191] Six weeks later Bingham again held forth on the need for his amendment, invoking "the bill of rights" six times in a single speech and again reminding his colleagues that it "has been solemnly ruled by the Supreme Court of the [Page 1235]

More of the words in support of the 14th prior to it's passage:

Two years before Bingham introduced his amendment, Representative James Wilson had made clear that he too understood the "privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States" to include the guarantees of the [Page 1236] amendments. His words also show that he deemed all rights and freedoms in the Bill-even those declared only against "Congress"-to be binding on state governments:

Freedom of religious opinion, freedom of speech and press, and the right of assemblage for the purpose of petition belong to every American citizen .... With these rights no State may interfere .... Sir, I might enumerate many other constitutional rights of the citizen which slavery has disregarded and practically destroyed, but I have [said] enough to illustrate my proposition: that slavery ... denies to the citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of citizens ....

... The people of the free States should insist on ample protection to their rights, privileges and immunities, which are none other than those which the Constitution was designed to secure to all citizens alike .... [196]

Plainly, then, Wilson and Bingham both read that Bill through contrarian lenses, though Bingham was far more conscious that the Supreme Court had rejected this reading. And both leaders understood that the plain meaning of Section One was that henceforth, the federal government would have explicit power to compel state compliance with all the "privileges" and "immunities" of "citizens" set out in the Bill. Shortly before the Amendment came before the House for final approval, political leader Thaddeus Stevens delivered a speech describing its provisions. Here are his opening words on Section One:

I can hardly believe that any person can be found who will not admit that every one of these provisions is just. They are all asserted, in some form or other, in our DECLARATION or [of?] organic law. But the Constitution limits only the action of Congress, and is not a limitation on the States. This amendment supplies that defect ....

http://www.saf.org/LawReviews/Amar1.html

The opening words of the 14:

Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Now compare that text with a section of the infamous 1856 Dred Scot case which defines "privileges and immunities of US citizenship" in great detail while asserting that blacks (free or slave) lack same:

For if they [blacks] were so received, and entitled to the privileges and immunities of citizens, it would exempt them [blacks] from the operation of the special laws and from the police regulations which they considered to be necessary for their own safety. It would give to persons of the negro race, who were recognized as citizens in any one State of the Union, the right to enter every other State whenever they pleased, singly or in companies, without pass or passport, and without obstruction, to sojourn there as long as they pleased, to go where they pleased at every hour of the day or night without molestation, unless they committed some violation of law for which a white man would be punished; and it would give them the full liberty of speech in public and in private upon all subjects upon which its own citizens might speak; to hold public meetings upon political affairs, and to keep and carry arms wherever they went.

---

So what happened?

The US Supreme Court hated the 14th because it was drafted to overturn two key decisions: Barron and Dred Scott.

In a whole series of evil decisions of which Cruikshank and Presser were only a part (Plessy v. Fergusen is the most famous), the Supremes destroyed the 14th, ignoring the whole thing.

In the 20th Century they rebuilt it, one piece at a time, via the Due Process clause - finding in one case at a time "selectively" that individual pieces of the BoR were "fundamental to due process". This is what the footnote by the DC lawyers was talking about:

9 Although this case does not present the question of incorporation, there is no reason to think that a right to possess guns for personal use is a “principle of justice so rooted in the traditions and conscience of our people as to be ranked as fundamental” and “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty.” Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319, 325 (1937). Moreover, incorporation against the states would be curious since the Second Amendment was en-acted to protect state prerogatives.

Palko is a key "selective incorporation" case.

Selective incorporation is a fraud, one that followed the original fraud by the court in cases like Cruikshank and Presser.

And that's why the DC attorneys are right: fraud layered on fraud has created an apparent absurdity.

It's time to end the fraud.

As of now, only three pieces of the BoR haven't been selectively incorporated as “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty”: the 5th Amendment right to indicted in major crimes by Grand Jury, the 3rd Amendment which nobody cares about anymore (no quartering of troops in people's houses!) and the 2nd.

At this point, there's nothing earth-shattering about restoring John Bingham's original dream of full incorporation of the BoR. In the case of the 5th Amendment, bringing back Grand Juries in states like California would be a good thing - a strong grand jury system does other jobs such as fighting corruption and many states voluntarily obey the 5th right now.

It's time. End the fraud.

ON EDIT: there's one more interesting application of this Dred Scott connection: if you go back to that court's quote above, you'll find a civil right NOT present in the BoR, a "right to free travel without pass or passport", something the ACLU has wanted for years. This shouldn't be mentioned in an amicus to this court *yet* but it's a logical out-growth of the Dred Scott connection. It opens up a debate on just what the "privileges and immunities of US citizenship" really are. In Dred Scott it was "the Bill Of Rights and then some" or as one scholar put it, "the traditional rights of free Englishmen"...
 
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Arguments needed in D.C. v. Heller

The granting of certiorari by the U.S. Supreme court in D.C. v. Heller provides the first great opportunity we have had to get a decision on interpretation of the Second Amendment. Already a host of parties are preparing to file amicus briefs in the case, threatening to drown out two important arguments that need to be made and that it does not yet appear will be made by any of the amici:

1. The primary original meaning of "militia", from the Latin, is military service, or, because it includes law enforcement and disaster response, defense activity, and only secondarily those engaged in it, or the subset of those who may be required to engage in that that activity. It is a common idiom in English of the founding era to use the same word for an activity and those engaged in it. Understood in this way, the word is not a plural form, and a single individual, engaged in defense activity, is engaged in militia.

2. The only regulation that is "reasonable" is regulation that enhances the effectiveness of militia.

The lost meaning of "militia"

The right to keep and bear arms (RKBA) is asserted in the Second Amendment with the preamble of militia being a primary purpose of that right:

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.
Previous attempts to get around the right to keep and bear arms has been to subject firearms to taxes. This was the issue in United States v. Miller, 307 U.S. 174 (1939) which took the approach that if the firearm in question had had a militia use, it would not have been taxable, and therefore it would not have been illegal to possess it without having paid the tax. While one could question the constitutionality of making it a crime to possess something on which a tax has not been paid, we can understand the concern of the Court that if one cannot make a distinction between militia-related items that are tax exempt and non-militia-related items that are not, then, since almost anything could conceivably be used for militia under some circumstances, nothing would be taxable.

Therefore, it is not enough to establish the individual RKBA if we do not address the way Congress has been trying to do an end-run around it using its taxing power and the precedent of Wickard v. Filburn supporting criminal penalties for activities that have a "substantial effect" on interestate commerce, under an expansive interpretation of the Necessary and Proper Clause to assert the power to not only "carry into execution" the expressed powers, but to do whatever might be convenient to try to attain the purposes for which a regulation of commerce might be enacted.

To make the proper determination of what is and what is not "militia-related" we therefore have to understand the original meaning of "militia", and do so better than most scholars have done heretofore.

Some confusion arises from the English idiom, which goes back to Anglo-Saxon and got carried over to the adoption of foreign words, of using the same word for an activity and for those engaged in it, with the meaning as activity originally being primary, but slipping into more frequent use of the word in its secondary sense of those engaged in it.

The term "militia" is derived from Latin roots:

* miles /miːles/ : soldier[2]
* -itia /iːtia/ : a state, activity, quality or condition of being[3][4]
* militia /mil:iːtia/: Military service[5]

In English, the usage of "militia" to refer to those engaged in the activity dates back to at least 1590 when it was recorded in a book by Sir John Smythe, Certain Discourses Military with the meanings: a military force; a body of soldiers and military affairs; a body of military discipline[6]

The original meaning of the Latin word is "military activity", or, since the ancient Romans had the same people fight crime or respond to disasters, "defense activity". In the idiom of English during the 18th century, the same word would often be used for an activity and for those who engage in it, so "militia" could mean either defense activity or those who engage in it, whether as individuals or in concert with others.[7]

Most of the leading Founding Fathers were Latin-literate, so they would have known the original Latin meaning, and used it when they read or wrote in Latin or used a Latin word in English discourse.[8][9]

The reason this distinction is important is because if the word means only those engaged in the activity, and is always plural, then militia can only consist of two or more persons, and never just one. However, understood as an activity, then is it clear that one individual can engage in militia, and it follows that self-defense is a militia call-up issued to oneself, to which oneself responds, to enforce the law. When all self-defense is cast into an act of law enforcement, then the legal framework is transformed into what the militia concept requires.

This meaning also comes up in discussing other countries with a militia tradition, especially Switzerland, which the Founders viewed as a model for the kind of militia system they wanted to establish. The militia clauses of the Swiss Federal Constitution are contained in Art. 59, where it is referred to as "military service" (English), "Militärdienst" (German), "service militaire" (French), "servizio militare" (Italian), "servetsch militar" (Romansch), and translated into "servicio militar" (Spanish and Portuguese), all synonyms for "militia" in Latin.

The key thing to understand is that "militia" is not a plural "group", with the implication of "two more more". We can see in the writings and speeches of the Founders that they often used the word prepended with an article, “a” or “the”, to refer to those engaged in the activity, but at other times they use it without the article. Modern readers are likely to understand that as using the word as its own plural, but the plural of militia is militiae, and if the Latin-literate Founders had meant it that way, they would have said militiae. They were, in that usage, meaning the activity, and sometimes, blending both meanings at the same time.

The meaning of the word is discussed in more detail in Militia v. Inimicitia.

What kind of "regulation" of militia is "reasonable"?

It won't be a victory for the original meaning of the Second Amendment if the holding of the Court is that the right to keep and bear arms is individual if it also holds that it is subject to "reasonable regulation" and that exception allows all the restrictions that are presently enacted.

Clearly, the concept of militia does contemplate regulation beyond the "self-regulation" that would satisfy the stipulation that militia be "well regulated". We have in U.S. Const. Art. I Sec. 15 and 16:

To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
While militiamen are in called-up status, they are subject to miltia discipline, under which they can be directed what weapons to use and for what purposes. When not in called-up status, they can be required to keep certain kinds of weapons, ready for call-up. See the Militia Act of 1792. Although it may not be obvious to some, it would be unconstitutional to get around the RKBA by keeping the entire population in a permanent called-up status. Call-ups are supposed to endure only as long as an imminent threat exists for which only militia can meet it.

To understand what kind of regulation is reasonable for persons not in called-up status we can use the analogy to the preemptive authority to regulate the time, place and manner of congressional elections, it is unconstitutional to do so in a way that would make elections less fair, convenient, or accurate. Similarly, it is unconstitutional to regulate militia in ways that make them less effective in performing their functions "to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions", or at the state or local level, to respond to disasters. People may be required to be armed, but not forbidden to be armed, without a specific due process proceeding to disable the exercise of the right on proof the individual is a treat to himself or others, with a right to a jury.

What is not reasonble or constitutional is prosecuting people on an administrative determination that they are "dangerous", even if there was a conviction of a "felony". without disablement of the RKBA being an explicit part of the sentence. See Public Safety or Bills of Attainder? — Written Jun. 14, 2000. Published in University of West Los Angeles Law Review, Vol. 34, 2002.

A case could be made for the constitutionality of regulating the quality of firearms, in much the way the U.S. DoD regulates the quality of the firearms it purchases for its own use, but not for prohibiting weapons that "do not have a sporting purpose". Militia is not about hunting. even thoug hunting may be a way to maintain militia skills.

The idiom of using the same word for an antivity and those engaged in it

There are many other examples of this idiom. From the Century Dictionary, the precursor of the Oxford English Dictionary, we have the following:

assembly (a-sem'bli), n.; pl. assemblies. [ME and OF assemblee] 1. The act of assembling, or the state of being assembled or gathered together. 2. A company of persons gathered together in the same place, and usually for the same purpose, whether religious, political, educational, or social; an assemblage.

congregation (king-gre-ga'shon), n. [F. congregation] 1. the act of congregating; aggregation. 2. Any collection or assemblage of persons or things.

delegation (del-e-ga'shon), n. [F. delegation] 1. A sending or deputing; the act of putting in commission, or investing with authority to act for another; the appointment of a delegate. 2. A person or body of persons deputed to act for another or for others....

ministry (min'is-tri), n.; pl. ministries. [F. ministere] 1. The act of ministering; the rendering of service; ministration. 2. The state of ministering or serving; agency; instrumentality. 3. The office or function of a minister, civil or ecclesiastical; the state of being a minister, in any sense; the discharge of a mionisterial office.... 4. The general or a particular body of ministers of religion; the ministerial or clerical class; the clergy or priesthood. 5. The body of ministers of state in a country; the heads of departments collectively; the executive administration.... 6. A ministerial department of government; the organization of functionaries administering a branch of public afffairs; a minister and his subordinates collectively....

hunt (hunt), n. 1. The act of seeking for or chasing game or other wild animals for the purpose of catching or killing them; a pursuit; a chase. 2. A pack of hounds engaged in the chase. 3. An association of huntsmen...

police (po-les'), n. [F. police] 1. Public order; the regulation of a country or district with reference to the maintenance of order.... 2. An organized civil force for maintaining order, preventing and detecting crime, and enforcing the laws; the body of men by whom the municipal laws and regulations of a city, incorporated town or borough, or rural district are enforced. 3. In the United States Army, the act or process of policing.

Other such words include service, movement, wedding, viking, aggregation, march, and court.

See Constitutionalism blog entry here.
 
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