Lobotomy Boy
Member
- Joined
- Feb 16, 2004
- Messages
- 2,449
Specifics? Citations? Good lord, where to start.
From the Christian Science Monitor, tomorrow's edition:
From the Toronto Star (http://www.thestar.com/NASApp/cs/ContentServer?pagename=thestar/Layout/Article_Type1&c=Article&cid=1145657412405&call_pageid=968332188492):
From the Christian Science Monitor, tomorrow's edition:
from the April 27, 2006 edition
A defiant Iran banks on a split at UN
The Security Council receives a report Friday that gauges Iran's latest nuclear activities.
By Howard LaFranchi | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
WASHINGTON – With neither side blinking, Iran and the international community are preparing to take the next step in their showdown over Tehran's nuclear ambitions.
The confrontation returns Friday to the United Nations Security Council, where the Iranian regime is hoping a divide-and-conquer strategy will prevent the UN body from taking any coercive action to limit its nuclear program. It may be a bold gambit: Just a month ago, the Council acted - unanimously - to give Iran 30 days to show it had ceased uranium enrichment.
But the Security Council, in fact, is split over the need for action against a defiant Tehran - increasing the likelihood that steps such as economic sanctions will be taken not by the UN, but by a "coalition of the willing" of the US and equally adamant allies.
"Of course we have a strong preference for action by the Security Council, for legal reasons ... and [because] it sends a clear message to the Iranian people that action is against the regime and not them," says a French diplomat who requested anonymity because of the delicate nature of the negotiations. "But at the same time, we can't remain forever doing nothing in the case Iran goes forward with its process."
The United States as well has been emphasizing its preference for united Security Council action against Iran. But it is also floating with allies the possibility of steps outside the UN if the Security Council proves unable to bridge its differences - essentially with the US, Britain, and France on one side, and Russia and China on the other.
Beginning Thursday, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is to attend a two-day meeting of NATO foreign ministers in Sofia, Bulgaria, where the issue of Iran and its relevance to the Atlantic alliance is expected to be raised, according to NATO officials.
The 30-day pause in deliberations on Iran was designed to give the Iranian government an opportunity to cease uranium enrichment, reassure the world that it is not proceeding along a path to nuclear armament, and stave off further international action.
But if anything, Iran has used the days preceding a return to the Security Council to rattle the international community: not only to boast of a perfected enrichment process, but to do it with veiled references to secret enrichment sites and to accelerated nuclear development.
The Iranian game plan appears to be to set up a confrontation with the West that not only divides the international community but shatters any consensus against its nuclear program, analysts say.
"They seem to be trying to replay the good-cop-bad-cop strategy the US and EU [European Union] used against them, but in their own way where they play both the good cop and the bad cop," says Ray Takeyh, an Iran expert with the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington.
He points to Iran's diplomatic forays to Russia and Persian Gulf states, as well as toward Sudan, even as Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad taunts the West. And he says Iran is trying to look reasonable and cooperative to friends (like Russia) and Muslim countries, while also appearing to stand up to Western powers.
The Iranian strategy may be working, both at home and when it comes to the UN. Domestically, the outspoken Mr. Ahmadinejad is winning points with his anti-Western stance, even as he fails to deliver on the bread-and-butter issues that brought him to power.
"This could be part of his domestic political calculations," says Joseph Cirincione, director for nonproliferation at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. "The more he postures as standing up to a US positioning itself for war, the more he consolidates his power."
Then there's the UN: A month after the Security Council approved a watered-down statement on Iran, world powers seem no closer to consensus on diplomatic action, such as "smart" sanctions aimed at Iranian officials.
Initially, the US, Britain, and France are set on seeking something more from the Council than the simple "presidential statement" that was approved a month ago. This time they want a so-called "Chapter 7 resolution," which would designate Iran a threat to international security - a step that would open the door to sanctions and eventually even military action.
In the days leading up to Council deliberations, the US is reiterating that it is not seeking sanctions at this time. "The resolution we are contemplating ... would not be a sanctions resolution," the US ambassador to the UN, John Bolton, said Tuesday. "So from our perspective, we are going to take it one step at a time."
But for China and Russia, a Chapter 7 resolution puts the Council on a course of action, including sanctions, even if the text does not specifically call for it. And it also starts looking increasingly like the diplomatic road the US took before going to war with Iraq, some experts say.
That helps explain why neither veto-wielding nation is likely to go along with a tough new resolution. "I think the Chapter 7 route is dead on arrival," says Mr. Cirincione. "The US can keep talking about it, but our own policies have doomed it."
From the Toronto Star (http://www.thestar.com/NASApp/cs/ContentServer?pagename=thestar/Layout/Article_Type1&c=Article&cid=1145657412405&call_pageid=968332188492):
From the Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk/worldlatest/story/0,,-5781777,00.html):Will Iran be next on U.S. hit list?
Apr. 22, 2006. 01:00 AM
OLIVIA WARD
STAFF REPORTER
Shock and awe, or wait and see?
As the standoff between Iran and the United States continues ahead of next week's crucial meeting of the UN's nuclear watchdog agency, media reports are a flashback to the events leading up to war with Iraq.
They claim that Washington is making a public pretence of diplomacy while it privately conjures up invasion plans.
"The Bush administration, while publicly advocating diplomacy in order to stop Iran from pursuing a nuclear weapon, has increased clandestine activities inside Iran and intensified planning for a possible air attack," says veteran investigative journalist Seymour Hersh in The New Yorker magazine.
The administration calls the reports "fantasy land." But Hersh quotes military and intelligence officials that targeting plans are underway, and "(U.S. President George W.) Bush is determined to deny the Iranian regime the opportunity to begin a pilot program, planned for this spring, to enrich uranium."
Bruised by plummeting poll ratings, and stung by reminders of its mistakes on Iraq, Washington is now softening its media statements on Iran.
It is also aware that Russia has demanded "concrete proof" that Iran is planning a weapons program before it would consider even economic sanctions.
But experts on the region point out a propaganda war is already underway, conducted by the same cast of neo-conservative hawks that produced the Iraq invasion, confident they could go it alone against Baghdad.
Some analysts also believe the nuclear crisis is merely an excuse for the waning Bush administration to pursue an urgent policy of rebranding the Middle East.
"Prior to the Iraq invasion you saw lots of statements on the danger of the regime, the threat to U.S. security, the pursuit of terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, the violations of human rights, and the hostility to Israel," says Houchang Hassan-Yari, head of the department of politics and economics at the Royal Military College of Canada.
"With Iran you see many of the same elements. And in the background is the question of oil. In both cases regime change is an issue."
Joseph Cirincione, director for non-proliferation at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, says he found it hard to believe Bush would consider a military strike, which would "only accelerate Iran's nuclear program." But he says talks with colleagues who have close ties to the Bush administration convinced him "they want to hit Iran."
Furthermore, he says, "I've come to realize that for some in this administration, Iran is just the continuation of the process they started in Iraq. The whole point was not just to eliminate Saddam Hussein, but to begin a regime change throughout the whole region. That includes, Iran, Syria, Saudi Arabia and other countries."
Cirincione believes that, "for the neo-cons, the nuclear program is just an excuse. As (U.S. Secretary of State) Condoleezza Rice said a couple of weeks ago, it's only one of the issues with Iran. The regime itself is a threat to international security. It's what the Bush administration sees as part of the axis of evil."
Many in the U.S. and other Western countries are nervous about Iran's nuclear intentions. Although Tehran insists it is interested only in ensuring a domestic energy supply, the International Atomic Energy Agency expressed doubts about some aspects of its nuclear program.
Western countries fear that Iran's hardline government might develop deadly weapons that would threaten the West as well as the unstable Middle East, while increasing the chance of arming terrorists with nuclear materials.
But, says Sheldon Rampton, who has tracked the use of propaganda in the Iraq war, it may be more difficult now to convince the American public that an attack on Iran is in the country's vital interest.
"It's true that Bush administration people like (Defence Secretary) Donald Rumsfeld and (Vice President) Dick Cheney, who have perfected a pattern of propaganda, are still around," he says.
"But one of the lessons of propaganda that we have observed is that those who are most heavily deluded by it are the propagandists themselves."
In August 2002, U.S. media reported the creation of a White House Iraq Group that would "market the war in Iraq."
That, said New York Times columnist Frank Rich, was the "official introduction to the product" of a U.S. invasion: "the administration's doomsday imagery was ratcheted up from that day on," with rhetoric dwelling on mushroom clouds, sinister uranium shipments and terrorism. It's also a familiar refrain on Iran.
But Rampton, a co-author with John Stauber of Weapons of Mass Deception, and research director of the Wisconsin-based Center for Media and Democracy, says the propaganda weapon is a double-edged sword.
"They have built up a huge reservoir of skepticism in the American people. There are logistical barriers that I don't think are surmountable."
QUOTE]
Azerbaijan Leader Staying Out of Iran Fray
Wednesday April 26, 2006 4:31 PM
AP Photo MOSB106
By BARRY SCHWEID
AP Diplomatic Writer
WASHINGTON (AP) - President Ilham Aliev of Azerbaijan opened a three-day visit to the United States on Wednesday by saying he would not allow his country to be used by the U.S. for any operations against neighboring Iran.
Aliev, scheduled to meet with President Bush on Friday, cited a ``very clear'' agreement with Iran that the two countries would not permit their territory to be used for operations against the other.
His visit comes at a time of rising U.S. tensions with Iran over its nuclear program, and Aliev said he would remain at arms' length from that conflict.
``Azerbaijan will not be engaged in any kind of potential operation against Iran,'' he said in remarks at the private Council on Foreign Relations.
The Caspian nation, which shares a border with Iran and Russia, is strategically important to the U.S. because of its location and its role in supplying the West with oil.
From the St. Paul Pioneer Press:
Russia positions itself between Iran and the West
By Brian Bonner
Knight Ridder Newspapers
MOSCOW - Russia is standing on a small and shrinking patch of middle ground as it tries to protect its huge business relationship with Iran while finding a diplomatic resolution for U.S. and European concerns that Iran has a secret nuclear-weapons program.
Russia opposes the spread of nuclear weapons, but it's building Iran its first nuclear-power plant and this year plans to deliver 29 short-range, Tor M-1 anti-aircraft missiles to the Iranian government, all over U.S. objections.
The Kremlin sees no harm in its delicate and, some say, dangerous position of cooperating with Iran on civilian nuclear energy and supplying it with defensive weapons.
But tougher choices face Russia if no negotiated breakthrough is found to ease concerns that an increasingly defiant Iran is trying to acquire nuclear weapons under cover of its nuclear energy program.
Russian diplomacy has failed so far to convince Iran to stop enriching uranium in compliance with Friday's deadline, set by the United Nations Security Council, for the Islamic Republic to suspend enrichment and answer all questions from the International Atomic Energy Agency, the U.N.'s nuclear watchdog.
From the Christian Science Monitor:
from the April 27, 2006 edition
US should call for direct talks with Iran
Communication could help alleviate tension from historical grievances.
By John K. Cooley
ATHENS – It's time to soften the Bush administration's hard position against direct talks with Iran. A good time for both Washington and Tehran to begin overtures toward such talks would be following the UN Security Council's April 28 deadline for Iran to suspend uranium enrichment, which Iran rejects.
During her brief visit in Athens this week, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice reiterated that while "all options are still on the table" with Iran, Washington prefers that Iran and European Union states return to earlier multilateral nuclear talks to cajole Iran into suspending its uranium enrichment plans. Those talks have so far been singularly unsuccessful.
In remarks to the London Financial Times, US State Department counselor Philip Zelikov linked rejection of direct US-Iran talks to the nature of Iran's "dictatorial ... and revolutionary" regime. This is a flawed argument. If, since World War II, the United States had avoided negotiating with such regimes, including the former Soviet Union and China, what would America's world status be now?
Those are just a snippet of stories from this week. For more focused information you need to look back at least two or three weeks. For example, again from the Christian Science Monitor:
from the March 27, 2006 edition
Why Iran oil cutoff could be suicidal
By David R. Francis
Iran's nuclear standoff with the United States, Europe, and other nations has led to considerable speculation of $100-per-barrel oil and $4-per-gallon gasoline in the US. Such high prices might kick off a worldwide energy crisis and recession.
The West already suspects that Iran's uranium enrichment program is a cover for bombmaking. To try to put a stop to it, the United Nations Security Council could impose sanctions, or even riskier, the US or Israel might attempt to knock out Iran's nuclear facilities with an air or missile strike.
In retaliation, Iran could act against its own best economic interests and slash oil exports. Last September, the head of Iran's powerful Revolutionary Guards warned that "any sanction against Iran" could push the price of oil to $100 a barrel.
"It would be easy to see oil trading at $100 a barrel," says Milton Ezrati, an economist with Lord Abbett, a mutual-fund company in Jersey City, N.J. But if oil traders view the action by Iran as merely a short-lived "diplomatic stunt," he says, oil would rapidly head back toward today's $62 a barrel price.
Mr. Ezrati warns that a long-term action would cause energy prices to soar. That would set back the incipient recoveries in Europe and Japan and seriously slow the US economy as well.
Many Iranians say they are being treated unfairly by the US and its allies, that they are subject to a double standard. This is reflected in the questions being asked widely by the media and in blogs throughout the Middle East, notes A.F. Alhajji, an economist at Ohio Northern University in Ada.
"Why is Israel allowed to have nuclear bombs while Iran is not allowed to have even as much as a research program that some experts believe might lead to building a nuclear bomb? Why are Israeli actions against the Palestinians and the Lebanese considered 'self defense,' while the actions of Palestinians and Lebanese are considered 'terrorist' acts? Why can Iran not intervene in Iraq when the US and its allies have already occupied the country? Why has Iran been deprived of its economic rights by [two-decades old] economic sanctions?"
The US and its allies may well have answers to such questions. But Professor Alhajji wonders if domestic political pressures in Iran resulting from inflamed nationalism might force the Iranian government to retaliate by cutting its oil exports. Alternatively, given the country's high dependence on oil revenues, Iran could instruct its operatives in Iraq to sabotage Iraqi oil exports from the port of Basra. Shiites are the dominant religious group in both Iran and southern Iraq. That would reduce world oil supplies by about 1.1 million barrels per day (b.p.d.), a drop of 1.3 percent.
A US or Israeli airstrike could lead to outright war - "all bets are off," notes Alhajji. Iran might also try to block oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz, threatening the vital oil exports of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the Gulf States.
I'm not sure exactly what kind of information you want, so I've taken a broad approach. If you could be more specific it would help.