The core flaw in your argument is revealed here:
I think my point was that it is one thing to say that the people shall not be disarmed, and another to say that no person shall be disarmed.
You're falling for a classic Leftist delusion: that the collective is one thing, and the individuals a separate inferior.
The people, as a collective, IS the sum total of individuals. Granting/recognizing rights of the collective yet denying them to individuals is a self-undermining contradiction. If you deny individuals rights, the collective is denied rights. There is no RKBA for the state without RKBA for the individuals composing it. If you disarm each individual, then the state is disarmed.
(Side note: SCOTUS has ruled that extreme instances, such as violent felons and certified insane, can be denied rights. Before taking on the extreme cases, we must establish the normal cases - upstanding law-abiding competent adults.)
The Founding Fathers recognized this: in a government of the people, the people is the government - there is no false dichotomy wherein the government may be armed yet the people not. Ideally, defense of the state comes exclusively from the people being armed and acting in the security of the state ... hence the 2nd Amendment's wording, which may be paraphrased as "to keep the state secure, the people must be able to arm themselves".
This is not just a theory. The same Founding Fathers shortly thereafter passed the Militia Act of 1792, which REQUIRED all able-bodied males be armed with a specified minimum of weaponry (it also required the government take steps to train and organize them). Thus, it is unquestionable that the 2nd Amendment was intended to permit (even recognize as inalienable) INDIVIDUALS the right to arm themselves: they wrote the 2nd Amendment, then went so far as to legislate a change from
permission to
requiring self-armament.
Current US code
defines every able-bodied male 17-45 as a militia member. Refining components of the law
expand the definition, not reduce/limit it.
Miller then began with the presumption that the defendant was part of the militia, then considered whether the weapon in question was useful for milita use. Lacking proof either way, the case was remanded to determine militia usefulness. (That Miller was apparently dead terminated that case.)
That your theory leads to the conclusion that the USA consists of 50 "people" is a red flag indicating something is very wrong with the theory. I can "prove" - in many ways - that 1=2, but that a conclusion is 1=2 indicates that there is something terribly wrong with the theory, i.e.: a preposterous conclusion to a line of reasoning indicates there is something very wrong with the line of reasoning.
So...
- The Founding Fathers used the term "people", indicating the collection of individuals, many times.
- There is nothing indicating that the term "people" changes definition dramatically in short order within the same section of the Constitution, or even across the whole Constitution.
- The "people" means a collection of individuals, each having that right.
- The theory that the collective has a right but individuals do not is as absurd as a mathematical theory proving 1=2; such an outcome indicates error, and the reasoning must not be continued beyond that.
- The Founding Fathers not only
recognized the RKBA, but shortly thereafter
required it of all militia members.
- US Code currently defines militia members as, at minimum, able-bodied males 17-45.
-
Miller recognized an armed citizen as a given, questioning only whether certain arms were NOT militia-suitable, indicating: militia-suitable arms are protected for RKBA.
- At the time, commas and capitalization tended to be modified fairly freely, varying among various legitimate copies of the BoR. The Founding Fathers were more interested in preserving liberty for all individuals than getting grammar exactly right.