The Wall Street Journal
April 16, 2004; Page A14
Texas Talk on Palestine
Editorial
http://online.wsj.com/article/0,,SB108207335944484516,00.html
Listening to the furious reaction to President Bush's letter to Ariel Sharon, you would never know that it reiterated his call for a Palestinian state that is "viable, contiguous, sovereign, and independent."
Instead, Mr. Bush now finds himself blasted for a "drastic and unfortunate policy reversal" that will "put the final nail in the coffin of the peace process." His move, say critics, risks "inflaming the Arab world," angers "moderate" Arab governments and might aggravate the situation in Iraq.
There may indeed be a lost opportunity here, but it's not the one Mr. Bush's opponents think. In his declaration that any two-state resolution of the crisis could include some Israeli settlements on post-1949 lands and the resettlement of Palestinian refugees in a Palestinian state, Mr. Bush did not so much break new ground as acknowledge demographic reality. Those attacking him for daring to speak this frankly only encourage Palestinian hardliners to continue along their debilitating course of rejectionism.
Rather than losing his credibility as an honest broker, as critics charge, the President's straight talk has strengthened his position. Anyone who claims to be a moderator in the pursuit of a just, two-state solution for Israelis and Palestinians cannot at the same time tolerate ideas that would lead to the demise of one of those states. A "right of return" for Palestinians to Israel is such an idea.
All this passion over Mr. Bush's words, moreover, overshadows the significance of the withdrawal plan itself. After three years of relentless terror, Prime Minister Sharon -- the father of the settlement movement -- has agreed to withdraw all 7,500 Israeli settlers and all military installations from Gaza and four settlements from the West Bank.
At the very least, such a withdrawal will remove frictions between Israelis and Palestinians in Gaza, ending daily confrontations over roadblocks, checkpoints and curfews. The security barrier Israel builds in conjunction with the disengagement plan is designed to make it harder for terrorists to carry out their attacks, reducing the number of Israeli counterattacks. This will be the first positive step in the region in more than three years. By leaving Gaza, Mr. Sharon puts the ball squarely into the Palestinian court.
In his letter, Mr. Bush lays out the obligations Palestinians have: to stop the terror, to demonstrate a commitment to political reform, to start behaving like a respectable government. But the underlying message -- underscored by the U.S. embrace of the Sharon plan -- is that the Palestinian failure to meet those obligations will have consequences in American foreign policy.
In this light, keeping alive the myth that Palestinian refugees will "return" to Israel does the Palestinian people a disservice by emboldening hardliners and making it impossible for moderate voices to gain popular support. Mr. Bush makes plain that he remains willing to work with the Palestinians in pursuit of a viable state and lays out the terms for doing so. The real question here is whether they will take him up on it.
April 16, 2004; Page A14
Texas Talk on Palestine
Editorial
http://online.wsj.com/article/0,,SB108207335944484516,00.html
Listening to the furious reaction to President Bush's letter to Ariel Sharon, you would never know that it reiterated his call for a Palestinian state that is "viable, contiguous, sovereign, and independent."
Instead, Mr. Bush now finds himself blasted for a "drastic and unfortunate policy reversal" that will "put the final nail in the coffin of the peace process." His move, say critics, risks "inflaming the Arab world," angers "moderate" Arab governments and might aggravate the situation in Iraq.
There may indeed be a lost opportunity here, but it's not the one Mr. Bush's opponents think. In his declaration that any two-state resolution of the crisis could include some Israeli settlements on post-1949 lands and the resettlement of Palestinian refugees in a Palestinian state, Mr. Bush did not so much break new ground as acknowledge demographic reality. Those attacking him for daring to speak this frankly only encourage Palestinian hardliners to continue along their debilitating course of rejectionism.
Rather than losing his credibility as an honest broker, as critics charge, the President's straight talk has strengthened his position. Anyone who claims to be a moderator in the pursuit of a just, two-state solution for Israelis and Palestinians cannot at the same time tolerate ideas that would lead to the demise of one of those states. A "right of return" for Palestinians to Israel is such an idea.
All this passion over Mr. Bush's words, moreover, overshadows the significance of the withdrawal plan itself. After three years of relentless terror, Prime Minister Sharon -- the father of the settlement movement -- has agreed to withdraw all 7,500 Israeli settlers and all military installations from Gaza and four settlements from the West Bank.
At the very least, such a withdrawal will remove frictions between Israelis and Palestinians in Gaza, ending daily confrontations over roadblocks, checkpoints and curfews. The security barrier Israel builds in conjunction with the disengagement plan is designed to make it harder for terrorists to carry out their attacks, reducing the number of Israeli counterattacks. This will be the first positive step in the region in more than three years. By leaving Gaza, Mr. Sharon puts the ball squarely into the Palestinian court.
In his letter, Mr. Bush lays out the obligations Palestinians have: to stop the terror, to demonstrate a commitment to political reform, to start behaving like a respectable government. But the underlying message -- underscored by the U.S. embrace of the Sharon plan -- is that the Palestinian failure to meet those obligations will have consequences in American foreign policy.
In this light, keeping alive the myth that Palestinian refugees will "return" to Israel does the Palestinian people a disservice by emboldening hardliners and making it impossible for moderate voices to gain popular support. Mr. Bush makes plain that he remains willing to work with the Palestinians in pursuit of a viable state and lays out the terms for doing so. The real question here is whether they will take him up on it.