Disarm the Negros

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Mainsail

Mainsail

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This is a PDF file so I don’t know how to paste the text in. It’s an interesting read on Georgia’s gun control efforts and from where they originate. I discovered some racially written gun laws myself when the USAF sent me to Charleston AFB to fly the C-141B.

Having been stationed at Charleston AFB in SC, I was somewhat of an oddity in 1987 because I owned a Glock 17. At that time, the Glock pistols were considered ‘Saturday Night Specials’ due primarily to the temperature at which the frame melted. Thus, no dealer could sell them and no gunsmith would work on them. It was somewhat humorous to see people at the range fawning over something as unaesthetic as a Glock pistol, but they were very rare. I found it preposterous that my full sized Glock could be considered a SNS, but that was the law.

I asked several knowledgeable people and was told the law was written, originally, to keep poor blacks from owning guns, as the guns that we would normally recognize as a SNS were cheaply made from pot-metal and inexpensive. At the time I could easily have gotten twice the $400 I paid for the Glock 17 new, as private sales were not banned. The law was changed when the State Patrol wanted to start carrying Glocks themselves.
 
I've heard the original name for them was Saturday Night N___town Special, which I assume was a play on Colt Police Positive Special, Detective Special and other better known firearms with "Special" in the title.
 
I guess that makes old Jesse a sellout. I always wondered how a sensible dark skinned person could be for gun control. Instead of yelling about how guns are killing "his people", he needs to address a disturbing trend in the youth culture.
 
A friends wife used to teach in Memphis public schools. She told me an interesting story. She said that Memphis city public school are something like
95% black. The school where she taught had a strict rule about compasses.
(You remember, the gizmo used to draw circles in geometry class?) The point MUST be made of plastic, not metal. Why? Because the students had been stabbing each other with the metal ones at such an alarming rate that the school had to outlaw the metal points.
I went to high school with 1,300 people and no one ever got stabbed with anything, much less a compass and many of the boys carried pocket knives!

OS
 
... any Georgian descended from a veteran of any of these wars also was exempted. Because by 1908 most white Georgia males were grandsons of Confederate veterans, this exemption became known as the "grandfather clause."
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I always wondered where that phrase came from. Good find, certainly an eyebrow raising read.
 
here's the text of it.

I have an RTF version of it with images if anybody wants it, looks just like the pdf
Disarming The Negros
The Racist Roots of
Georgia's Gun Laws


A Special Report For
GEORGIACARRY.ORG
P.O. BOX142924
FAYETTEVILLE, GEORGIA 30214 [email protected]
November, 2007
Copyright © 2007 GEORGIACARRY.ORG
Georgia's Gun Laws -- Racism, Oppression and White Supremacy
Georgia's gun laws were designed to disarm slaves, freedmen, and black Georgians. Whenever blacks used arms to fight against racism and discrimination, the General Assembly responded with laws criminalizing their actions. Georgia's gun laws were not a crime prevention measure; they were Georgia's way to perpetuate racism, oppression and white supremacy. These racist laws still apply in Georgia.

The Early Days – The First Gun Bans
From the founding days of Georgia, whites had a great fear of armed blacks rebelling against white power and privilege.1 In 1739, eighty slaves from Stono, South Carolina rebelled and killed twenty-five whites before they were defeated in a pitched battle by a better armed white militia.2 In August 1831, Nat Turner and seventy slaves and freedmen traveled from house to house through Southampton County, Virginia axing and beating to death all of the whites that they could find, including women and children. 57 white men, women and children were murdered during Turner’s two day killing spree. 3

1831 woodcut depiction of Nat Turner’s Slave Rebellion4
The General Assembly responded to Nat Turner’s Slave Rebellion by enacting harsh laws limiting the rights of free blacks in Georgia and prohibiting the entry of free blacks from other states.5 Prior to this time, slaves and free blacks were allowed to have firearms during the weekdays when they had the permission of their owner or guardian. 6 Slave children were often provided a gun and were tasked to shoot birds and other vermin on the plantation. 7 Those practices ended when the General Assembly passed Georgia’s first gun ban. The 1833 law provided that “it shall not be lawful for any free person of colour in this state, to own, use, or carry fire arms of any description whatever.” The penalty was thirty-nine lashes and the firearm was to be sold and the proceeds given to the Justice of the Peace, akin to today’s Magistrate. 8 In 1846, the Georgia Supreme Court held in Nunn v State that there was a constitutional right to carry a pistol openly in Georgia. 9 Then two years later, the Georgia Supreme Court clarified in Cooper and Worsham v. Savannah that this right did not extend to free blacks. The court proclaimed that “"Free persons ofcolor have never been recognized here as citizens; they are not entitled to bear arms, vote for members of the legislature, or to hold any civil office." 10 This ruling would form the basis for the expulsion of black legislators in 1868.

Camilla Massacre – Birthplace of the Public Gathering Prohibition
On September 19, 1868, several hundred blacks and Republicans, nearly all armed with muskets and shotguns11, marched 25 miles from Albany to Camilla Georgia to protest the General Assembly’s expulsion of 32 newly elected black legislators. The elected black legislators were expelled on the grounds that the right to vote granted in the state constitution did not include the right to hold civil office. 12 13 As the marchers arrived at Camilla’s courthouse, they were ambushed by a posse of white townsmen organized by Mitchell County Sheriff, Mumford Poore. The Sheriff's posse continued its assault on the marchers as they fled into the surrounding woods, killing and wounding them as they tried to escape. One of the fleeing blacks, Daniel Howard, was struck in the head with the butt of a gun while fleeing. He was forced to return to Camilla where he overheard the whites lamenting that if only the freedmen had come without arms, the whites would have surrounded the blacks and killed them all.14 Over a dozen blacks were killed and more than 30 were wounded in the massacre.15 16

(This political Thomas Nast cartoon from Harper's Weekly depicts Mitchell County whites holding freed blacks down
17
after the Camilla Massacre in 1868.)
At the time of the Camilla Massacre, voting age black men outnumbered white men in 65 of Georgia’s 137 counties.18 19 Blacks represented 44% of the population of Georgia. 20 The vision of armed blacks marching into Camilla sent fear into the outnumbered white elite who remembered Stono and Nat Turner.
With the ratification of the 14th Amendment by Georgia in 1868, the legal construct that blacks were not entitled to the rights of citizenship was destroyed. In response, the General Assembly enacted, in October, 1870, a seemingly race-neutral law that they had intended to apply only to blacks. The law said, “no person in said State of Georgia be permitted or allowed to carry about his or her person any dirk, bowieknife, pistol or revolver, or any kind of deadly weapon, to any court of justice, or any election ground or precinct, or any place of public worship, or any other public gathering in this State, except militia muster-grounds.” The penalty was either “a fine of not less than twenty nor more than fifty dollars for each and every such offense, or imprisonment in the common jail of the county, not less than ten nor more than twenty days, or both, at the discretion of the court.” 21
As written, this public gathering law would have prevented the black marchers from carrying arms during their march to Camilla but not the townsmen waiting for them. The selective application of the law started immediately as the law was ignored by white supremacists that had armed themselves and gathered at the polls to prevent blacks and Republicans from voting on Election Day in November 1870. 22

Freedmen register to vote during Congressional Reconstruction in drives conducted by
23
the U.S. military, Harpers Weekl
The law and subsequent court decisions worked well enough that the General Assembly did not seek more laws aimed at disarming blacks until the twentieth century, when the circumstance of armed blacks defending their lives, neighborhoods and property during the Atlanta Race Riot forced the white elite to act once again.

Atlanta Race Riot – “Disarm The Negroes.”
On Saturday, September 22, 1906, Atlanta exploded in racial violence that would last 4 days. During the months prior, the Atlanta Journal, Atlanta Constitution, and other newspapers published a continuous stream of sensational articles about a "Negro Crime Wave" involving black men sexually assaulting southern white women. The newspapers exaggerated facts and printed fabrications to inflame tensions in the city and increase their sales.24 25 26
On Saturday night, 5,000 white men and boys gathered at Five Points in downtown Atlanta. The newspapers enflamed the crowd's anger with their "extra editions" that were sold to the crowd with headlines of "Bold Negro Kisses White Girl's Hand", "Negro Attempts to Assault Mrs. Mary Cafin Near Sugar Creek Bridge", "Two Assaults", and "Third Assault". The "extra editions" and the newsboys who sold them challenged the white men to defend the honor of white women. After 9PM, the mob frenzy couldn't be contained and the mob surged in bloodlust in all directions away from Five Points. 27 28
The mob attacked and murdered with clubs, bottles, knives, bricks, and fists any blacks unfortunate enough to be seen by the mob. As the night went on, the whites escalated their attacks with guns and mutilated the bodies of their black victims. 29 30 As fewer blacks were found on the streets, the mobs moved into the black neighborhoods to attack blacks in their homes. 31 The next morning, the newspapers blamed the blacks for the violence. The headline in the Atlanta Constitution was “Atlanta Is Swept By Raging Mob Due To Assaults On White Women; 16 Negroes Reported To Be Dead”. The headline from another newspaper was “Race Riots On The Streets Last Night The Inevitable Result Of A Carnival Of
32 33
Crime Against Our White Women.
(From Kenan Research Center at the Atlanta History Center, Le Petit Journal, Oct. 7, 1906) 34
During the calm of daylight hours of Sunday, the black community armed themselves with smuggled guns hidden in rags, caskets, and lumber wagons. Although there was no law against blacks purchasing arms, the pawnshops and hardware stores refused to sell to them. Blacks who could pass for white bought weapons for themselves and their neighbors.35 36 Blacks bravely began to patrol their neighborhoods with weapons ready to stop attackers.37 38 One such neighborhood was Brownsville, a middle class black neighborhood south of Five Points and home to Clark University and Gammon Theological Institute. 39 40
Many blacks from smaller communities sought refuge in the college buildings. 41 In response to rumors of an impending attack by whites, armed blacks began to patrol the streets and gathered together for the purpose of defending their homes and families. 42 43 44 On the night of Monday Sept 24th, seven Fulton County policemen and three armed white citizens arrived in Brownsville. Upon seeing a group of 25 armed black men congregated on the street, the Policemen divided up into squads and attacked the blacks from different directions.45 By the end of the night, one police officer was killed and several whites were wounded. Six blacks were arrested for carrying concealed weapons. Two of the arrested blacks, still in their shackles, were killed hours later by a white mob.46 47 An unknown number of causalities were inflicted on the blacks that night.

(from: Atlanta Constitution, September 25, 1906, front page)
In response to Monday night’s skirmish, the state militia, Fulton County Police, and the Governor’s Horse Guard were dispatched to Brownsville with orders to confiscate the black’s weapons. At dawn on Tuesday, the soldiers commenced a house to house sweep, ransacking the homes as they proceeded. The residents were evicted at the point of a bayonet from their homes and forced to assemble in the street. They were thoroughly searched for weapons under the watchful gaze of soldiers manning a Gatling gun with ten thousand rounds of ammunition. 48 49 50 During the house to house search, Fulton County police officers accompanied by “deputized” white citizens found a black man severely wounded from the prior night’s battle. The police officers put their pistols to the man's chest and murdered him in front of his family.51 257 black men were detained during the searches.52 75 are arrested for possession of firearms and other weapons and transported to the county jail.53 54

(from Atlanta Journal, September 25, 1906) 55
Later on Tuesday, the newspapers continued to blame the blacks for the rioting. The Atlanta Constitution front page headline read “Riot’s End All Depends On Negroes”. Another paper lamented, “The deepest spot in this crisis is in existence and liberty at large of Negroes heavily armed and full of malice and vengeance." The Atlanta Journal advocated the forcible disarming of all blacks in an editorial titled “Disarm the Negroes.”56 57 The Journal would get their wish in 1910, four years later.

(from Atlanta Journal, September 25, 1906, page 6) 58

Atlanta Constitution's Crusade – Disarm By Licensing
Following the Civil War, Georgia needed northern money to rebuild its economy. To create the proper investment climate and to avoid antagonizing the northern states, Georgia developed myths and illusions to hide the true extent of racial prejudice in Georgia.59 One of those illusions was that the 1908 Constitutional Amendment that disfranchised blacks was racially neutral. This amendment required voters to be either:
(a) of good character and able to pass a test on citizenship,
(b) be able to read and write provisions of the U.S. or Georgia constitutions, OR (c) own at least 40 acres of land or $500 in property.

To avoid disenfranchising poor white voters, the law provided that any Georgian who had fought in any war from the American Revolution through the Spanish-American War was exempt from these qualifications. More importantly, any Georgian descended from a veteran of any of these wars also was exempted. Because by 1908 most white Georgia males were grandsons of Confederate veterans, this exemption became known as the "grandfather clause." Essentially, the qualifications of good character, citizenship knowledge, literacy, and property ownership applied only to blacks wanting to register to vote.60 61 Since most blacks at that time were former slaves and poor tenant farmers, the literacy and property ownership requirement eliminated them from the voter rolls. The good character clause eliminated educated and wealthy blacks through its subjective application. The law had its intended effect, as it reduced black voter registration from 28.3 percent in 1904 to 4.3 percent in 1910. 62
Occasionally, the race-neutral mask would slip to reveal the true intent of Georgia’s white power structure. One such time was when the Atlanta Journal published its celebration of the 1908 disfranchisement amendment’s passage by opining that “the white man is to rule”. 63

(from Atlanta Journal, Oct. 8, 1908, page 6) 64
During this period, other states began to disarm the blacks through various legal schemes. Alabama passed a law banning the possession of all guns smaller than 24 inches. The illusion was that this law was race neutral; however everyone understood that the law would only apply to blacks and troublesome whites. In an article about Alabama’s law, the Atlanta Journal explained who the true target of the law was:

65
(from Atlanta Journal, Oct. 5, 1908, page 3 )
Later when the Atlanta Constitution reported that the law was upheld by the Alabama Supreme Court, it clearly stated to whom the law was intended to apply:

(Atlanta Constitution, Jan. 24, 1909, page A3)66
Alabama was not alone in developing seemingly race-neutral gun control laws that in reality selectively applied only to blacks. In a very candid opinion from the Florida Supreme Court, Justice Buford explained:
“I know something of the history of this legislation. The original Act of 1893 was passed when there was a great influx of negro laborers in this State drawn here for the purpose of working in turpentine and lumber camps. The same condition existed when the Act was amended in 1901 and the Act was passed for the purpose of disarming the negro laborers and to thereby reduce the unlawful homicides that were prevalent in turpentine and sawmill camps and to give the white citizens in sparsely settled areas a better feeling of security. The statute was never intended to be applied to the
67

white population and in practice has never been so applied.”
Since 1887, the Atlanta Constitution had crusaded for laws prohibiting the carrying of firearms. Following the Atlanta Race Riot, the Constitution unleashed a torrent of editorials criticizing the carrying of firearms and blaming them for all of the crime in the state. Examples of the editorial titles include:
Eliminate The Pistol Toter - Jul. 8, 1907
Crusade Against Pistol “Toters” – Dec. 11, 1907
Make Pistol Toter An Extinct Species - Jan 15, 1908
The Pistol-Toter A National Menace - Aug 4, 1908
The Pistol Carrying Nuisance - Jan 18, 1910
Making the Pistol-Toter a Pariah - May 22, 1910
The Pistol-Toter -- Master Criminal - Sep. 7, 1910
The Toll of the Pistol-Toter - Oct 2, 1910
In December of 1910, a little more than 4 years after the riot, the Governor signed a law that required a license to carry a firearm in public issued by the Ordinary (now issued by a Probate Judge). The qualifications and method was similar to those that disfranchised blacks two years earlier. Most importantly, there was no requirement for the Ordinary to issue a license. In order to obtain a license, applicants had to be:
a) at least eighteen years old or over
b) give a bond payable to the Governor of the State in the sum of one
hundred dollars,
AND c) a fee of fifty cents.68
$100 in 1910 is equivalent to over $2000 in 2007 dollars.69 In the unlikely event a black man could post the bond, the Ordinary, who was always white since blacks could not hold civil office, could be counted on not to issue licenses to blacks.
Not surprisingly, the first arrest under the licensing law was a black man named Dock Carter.

(from Atlanta Constitution, Dec. 23, 1910, page 9)70
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Last little bit

I have an RTF version with the images too if anybody wants it
Closing
Since the earliest days of Georgia, gun control played a critical role in the oppression of blacks. In the antebellum period, slaves and freedmen were prohibited from possessing firearms since they were not considered citizens. After the ratification of the 14th Amendment, the General Assembly developed new strategies to achieve their goal of disarming blacks with the public gathering and licensing laws that appeared to be race neutral but were selectively applied to blacks only.
These laws and subsequent court decisions with their offensive history and basis are still in effect in Georgia. Georgians continue to suffer with location prohibitions more restrictive than any other state and a licensing process that in some respects is still capricious and discriminatory.
Our nation's forefathers knew that for the people to remain in a free state, the right to keep and bear arms had to be protected from government regulation. Today, some Georgians claim that gun control is a "reasonable restriction.” Is denying the right of self defense to the marchers in Camilla and the families in Brownsville a "reasonable restriction"? The participants in these events would say that these laws enforce and perpetuate racism, oppression and white supremacy.
"To disarm the people is the most
effectual way to enslave them."



George Mason


Cover Credits
Gray, James, Editor, Disarm The Negroes, Atlanta Journal, September 25, 1906, page 6, title of editorial
Burns, Rebecca, Four Days of Rage, Atlanta Magazine, September 2006, page 140, picture cut from larger picture.

Acknowledgements
The following institutions and resources were critical to writing this paper. I wish to thank them all.
Kennesaw State University Library
Kennan Research Center, Atlanta History Center Archives
Clayton Cramer, whose paper The Racist Roots of Gun Control, was the
inspiration for this paper. This paper can be found here:
http://www.georgiacarry.org/cms/geo...s-carry-laws/the-racist-roots-of-gun-control/
Mark Bauerline who wrote Negrophobia. Negrophobia is the story of the
Atlanta Race Riot and is an excellent book.

About The Author
Michael Menkus is a member of GEORGIACARRY.ORG, an organization working to restore the right to keep and bear arms in Georgia. Michael is a Professional Engineer with a BS degree in Geophysical Engineering from Colorado School of Mines. His hobbies include stock market investing and competitive pistol shooting.

Document Usage
Copyright © 2007 by GEORGIACARRY.ORG, All rights reserved. Reproduction, distribution and posting on websites is permitted for all Pro-Gun, Pro-Self Defense, and Pro-2nd Amendment organizations and individuals. Reproduction, distribution and posting on websites is permitted for all students, researchers, and educators.
Footnotes

1 Grant, Donald, The Way It Was In the South – The Black Experience In Georgia, Carol Publishing Group, 1993, page 44- 54
2 Grant, Donald, The Way It Was In the South – The Black Experience In Georgia, Carol Publishing Group, 1993, page 8 3 Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, Nat Turner, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nat_Turner 4 http://xroads.virginia.edu/~hyper/JACOBS/hj-natturner.htm 5 Grant, Donald, The Way It Was In the South – The Black Experience In Georgia, Carol Publishing Group, 1993, page 68 6 Grant, Donald, The Way It Was In the South – The Black Experience In Georgia, Carol Publishing Group, 1993, page 68
7 Grant, Donald, The Way It Was In the South – The Black Experience In Georgia, Carol Publishing Group, 1993, page 32
8 Georgia Legislative Documents, GALILEO, Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of Georgia, Passed in Milledgeville, at an annual session in November and December, 1833 Vol. 1 --Page: 226, www.galileo.usg.edu 9 Nunn v. State 1 Ga. (1 Kel.) 243 1846, http://www.georgiapacking.org/caselaw/nunnvstate.htm 10 Cooper and Worsham v. Savannah, 4 Ga. 68, 1848, http://www.georgiapacking.org/caselaw/cooperworshamvsavannah.htm 11 Atlanta Constitution, Difficulty With Negroes In Mitchell County, Sept 22 1868, page 1 12 Myrick-Harris, Clarissa, The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot: An Explanatory Timeline,
http://www.1906atlantaraceriot.org/CMH_Coalition_Timeline.pdf
13 Grant, Donald, The Way It Was In the South – The Black Experience In Georgia, Carol Publishing Group, 1993, page 103-106 14
Howard, O. H., Affidavit of Daniel Howard: Albany, Georgia, 1868 Sept. 25, Digital Library of Georgia > Civil Unrest in Camilla, Georgia, 1868, http://dlg.galileo.usg.edu/camilla/cam039.php 15 New Georgia Encyclopedia, The Camilla Massacre, http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-639
16 Morgan, Jeanette, Digital Library of Georgia, Civil Unrest in Camilla, Georgia, 1868, http://dlg.galileo.usg.edu/camilla/camilla-history.php 17 Picture in paragraph is from Nast, Thomas, Harpers Weekly, The New Georgia Encyclopedia, Camilla Massacre, http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-639
18 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, page 79 19 Carl Vinson Institute of Government, University of Georgia, A Brief History of Georgia Counties,
http://www.cviog.uga.edu/Projects/gainfo/countyhistory.htm
20 Grant, Donald, The Way It Was In the South – The Black Experience In Georgia, Carol Publishing Group, 1993, page 32
21 Georgia Legislative Documents, GALILEO, Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of Georgia, At the session of 1870, with an appendix, containing the Government and Court Calendar, etc. Public Laws 1870, Vol. 3 – Page 42, www.galileo.usg.edu 22 Grant, Donald, The Way It Was In the South – The Black Experience In Georgia, Carol Publishing Group, 1993, page 122 23 Harpers Weekly, The New Georgia Encyclopedia, Voter Registration, http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Multimedia.jsp?id=m-800
24
Myrick-Harris, Clarissa, The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot: An Explanatory Timeline,
http://www.1906atlantaraceriot.org/CMH_Coalition_Timeline.pdf
25 Burns, Rebecca, Four Days of Rage, Atlanta Magazine, Sept 06, page 142 - 143 26 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 135-173 27 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 135-173 28 Burns, Rebecca, Four Days of Rage, Atlanta Magazine, Sept 06, page 141- 155 29 Burns, Rebecca, Four Days of Rage, Atlanta Magazine, Sept 06, page 141 -155 30 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 145-173 31 Burns, Rebecca, Four Days of Rage, Atlanta Magazine, Sept 06, page 145, 155 32 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 174 and 177 33 Atlanta Constitution, September 23, 1910, page 1 34 Kenan Research Center at the Atlanta History Center, Le Petit Journal, Oct. 7, 1906, Kathy Lohr, Century-Old Race Riot Still Resonates in
Atlanta, NPR, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=6106285 35 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, page 205 36 Burns, Rebecca, Four Days of Rage, Atlanta Magazine, Sept 06, page 156-157 37 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 179-186 38 Myrick-Harris, Clarissa, The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot: An Explanatory Timeline,
http://www.1906atlantaraceriot.org/CMH_Coalition_Timeline.pdf
39 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 195 40 Myrick-Harris, Clarissa, The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot: An Explanatory Timeline,
http://www.1906atlantaraceriot.org/CMH_Coalition_Timeline.pdf
41 Myrick-Harris, Clarissa, The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot: An Explanatory Timeline,
http://www.1906atlantaraceriot.org/CMH_Coalition_Timeline.pdf
42 Burns, Rebecca, Four Days of Rage, Atlanta Magazine, Sept 06, page 156 -157 43 Myrick-Harris, Clarissa, The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot: An Explanatory Timeline,
http://www.1906atlantaraceriot.org/CMH_Coalition_Timeline.pdf
44 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 251 -252 45 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 249-252 46 Burns, Rebecca, Four Days of Rage, Atlanta Magazine, Sept 06, page 158
47 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 197– 199 48 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 199 -203 49 Atlanta Journal, Town of Brownsville Is Taken By Militia, September 25, 1906 50 Burns, Rebecca, Four Days of Rage, Atlanta Magazine, Sept 06, page 158 - 160
Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 200, 251-251 52 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, pages 201 53 Atlanta Journal, Town of Brownsville Is Taken By Militia, September 25, 1906 54 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, page 201 55 Atlanta Journal, Town of Brownsville Is Taken By Militia, September 25, 1906 56 Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia a race riot in Atlanta, 1906, Encounter Books, 2001, page 204 57 Gray, James, Editor, Disarm The Negroes., Atlanta Journal, September 25, 1906, page 6 58 Atlanta Journal, Town of Brownsville Is Taken By Militia, September 25, 1906 59 Grant, Donald, The Way It Was In the South – The Black Experience In Georgia, Carol Publishing Group, 1993, page 182-190

60 Grant, Donald, The Way It Was In the South – The Black Experience In Georgia, Carol Publishing Group, 1993, page 209 -211
61 Dittmer, John, Black Georgia in the Progressive Era 1900 – 1920, University of Illinois Press, 1977, page 100 – 103
66 Atlanta Constitution, Supreme Court Upholds Alabama's Pistol Law, Jan 24, 1909, pg A3
67 Watson v. Stone, 4 So.2d 700, 703 (Fla. 1941)
68 Georgia Legislative Documents, GALILEO Digital Initiative Database, ACTS AND RESOLUTIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF

62 The Trial of Democracry: Black Suffrage and Northern Republicans, 1860-1910 by Xi Wang page 260 University of Georgia Press 1997

63 Atlanta Journal, Disfranchisement is Accomplished, Oct 8, 1908, pg 6
64 Atlanta Journal, Disfranchisement is Accomplished, Oct 8, 1908, pg 6
65 Atlanta Journal, New Pistol Law Not Effective, Oct 5, 1908, page 3
THE STATE OF GEORGIA. 1910 , Part I.--PUBLIC LAWS.
TITLE VI. MISCELLANEOUS. , 1910 Vol. 1 -- Page: 134, Sequential Number: 077,

Short Title: PISTOLS, CARRYING OF PROHIBITED. , Law Number: No. 432.

69 Halfhill, Tom, Tom’s Inflation Calculator, http://www.halfhill.com/inflation.html
70 Atlanta Constitution, First Arrest Made Under New Pistol Toting Law, Dec 23, 1910, page 9
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Marry her?

Spencerhut:
"When you can find a hot, intelligent woman that likes guns and fast cars . . . marry her quickly."

I did. My first 'test' before dating (22 years ago) was, could I keep up
while driving back roads through town to her house (passed), followed
with intelligent conversation with her dad and brothers about guns and
proper respect for ladies (one in particular)...(passed). 21st anniversary
last May. :D
 
Yup gun control was an easy way of making sure that the KKK could terrorize poor black people and not get shot.

Racists that hide behind flags and masks are cowards?? Who'd have thunk it!
 
And it's any different today? Smug "smarter/better than thou" folks in control that are afraid the "underlings" might use arms against them? The only difference today is that both sides are much harder to define by simple demographics like race.
 
The "his people" was written like that because he seems to consider himself a spokesperson for all people with skin darker than some artificial value.
 
Originally posted by Owen Sparks: A friends wife used to teach in Memphis public schools. She told me an interesting story. She said that Memphis city public school are something like
95% black. The school where she taught had a strict rule about compasses.
(You remember, the gizmo used to draw circles in geometry class?) The point MUST be made of plastic, not metal. Why? Because the students had been stabbing each other with the metal ones at such an alarming rate that the school had to outlaw the metal points.
I went to high school with 1,300 people and no one ever got stabbed with anything, much less a compass and many of the boys carried pocket knives!

OS
Click to expand...

What does the school being predominantly black have to do with school policy? The only logical explanation is that you want us to associate these stabbings with the fact that the students were most likely black. Thus assuming that we will start to think that blacks will be committing stabbings. Why?
 
Nearly EVERY gun control law in the U.S. was passed for that purpose, including the Gun Control Act of 1968, passed after the riots following the assassination of MLK.

The District of Columbia handgun ban was passed by an "Uncle Tom" city council on orders from their white masters following later race riots. The only thing surprising is that so many blacks have supported those laws, not understanding that the intent is not to protect them but to render them powerless (Roy Ennis is the wonderful exception - he understands the issue.)

I once heard a black minister testify in favor of another gun control law. He told the legislative committee that "maaaah people" were irresponsible, criminally inclined, and too mechanically ignorant to be able to handle guns. He was black, and he wore a Roman collar, but his words were those of a Klansman in a white hood, as he denigrated his congregation, his community, and his race in pursuit of a political agenda.

Be clear on one point - crime has nothing to do with gun control laws; it only provides an excuse to pass legislation designed for no other purpose than to allow the government to control the people. Many will say that we have all the protection we need through the ballot box. They need to be reminded that elections are held when, and if, the government allows them to be held. If the government cancels elections, there are no elections and the incumbents remain in office for life.

Jim
 
Why are people not coming out against gun control from the civil rights issue more? Seems to me it has historical basis and everything.
 
Keehans Point

While it's very simplified I think that Jim's point is THE POINT to make.

Gun laws that were written to keep "blacks in their place" have no place in soceity today. But just as then a certain class of people fear armed resistance from what they view as their subject people.

Government does what it damn well pleases.

I believe that's the reason many of us joined places like THR, TFL, the NRA (no matter how much we disagree with a few things they do or don't do) etc. Firearms are liberty's teeth. But it takes courage behind the gun, a steady hand a calm informed mind. Sometimes I fear the combination is not complete amongst our brethren.

Let us seek to inform them.
 
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