Writing an essay - help needed!

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Why not stick with a topic that might be more debatable in Sweden?

Would most Scanian's choose to be governed by the Danes, Swedes, or form their own? If they would like to form their own what would it look like? Less restrictive on guns, alchohol, more restrictive on unemployment and government benefits?
 
Why not stick with a topic that might be more debatable in Sweden?
This is more fun.

Would most Scanian's choose to be governed by the Danes, Swedes, or form their own? If they would like to form their own what would it look like? Less restrictive on guns, alchohol, more restrictive on unemployment and government benefits?
I don't think most Scanians give a damn, given that we've been occupied since 1658. Scanian independence is seen as a quaint idea (though some take it seriously).
 
Sure, I'll provide some feedback.
The United States government, as stated in the preamble to the US constitution, is of the people, for the people and by the people.
Now, to even the most uninterested bystander, one would readily see that people are very important in our constitution, not just the wealthy people, nor the most educated, nor the oldest seers, but all people.

Since the dawn of man, one folk has fought with the other folk for food, women, a better cave, religion, etc. Fighting became the way to obtain that which was wanted, sometimes needed, regardless of others' concerns or ownership. The innate need to belong to a family group necessitated agreements be developed for mutual benefit of society members; these agreements became what is known as government.

Government is synonymous with rule, administration, organization, management, direction, command, authority and a plethora of others real and imagined. If these intangibles of, for and by, the population or inhabitants, become lopsided, such that they are not of, for and by, in the larger sense, the majority, means must be assured that the majority ballot, the vote, can correct such misalignment. And the vote must be protected for it is the basis of establishing and maintaining the government.

One means to protect is free speech [fill in the blanks as to what this does], another is freedom to assemble [again, fill in the blanks for it is so obvious I will not take space], another is the right to keep and bear arms [again, is it not most obvious what this does, maybe to ensure assembly and speech, and protect our other freedoms as well, against enemies both foreign and domestic].

So it is left with you. Why are guns so important? Freedom, that is why.
 
I'm supposed to be writing a 10 page essay on something that has to do with constitutional law. Because I'm so controversial I decided to do mine on American gun philosophy

I assume you are aware that, under US constitutional law, the Second Amendment only limits the federal government? If not, you may want to check out US v Cruikshank, Miller v Texas, Presser v Illinois, US v Miller ...

Or you might avoid the quagmire of federalism, the 14th "Amendment", and the "incorporation doctrine", by focusing on our State Constitutions and how they regard the RKBA.

You might even focus on the original 13 States and their Constitutions. And even before that ... there was a time when British Troops were kept here to dominate us, to keep us under the King's thumb, and we were supposed to pay for the troops. The story was that they were here for our protection, but the French and Indian Wars were over, and Virginia declared that the proper defense of a free State is the people themselves, trained to arms. Here's what appeared in the July 1775 issue of Gentleman's Magazine:

In Virginia at a meeting of the delegates of the colony, it has been unanimously resolved that a well-regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and yeomen is the natural strength and only security of a free government, and that the establishment of such a militia is at this time particularly necessary, and that a plan for arming, embodying and disciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for that purpose should be immediately carried into execution.

(from the book "The Long Fuse" by Don Cook)
 
You seem very well versed and I commend you on that. I am just wondering on the goal "because you are so controversial". There is plenty of information out there and as mentioned before you have done a lot more reading and research than the average U.S. citizen on the topic I would bet.

With my friends and family from Sweden there is a fascination and enjoyment of guns that I would love to see on everyone's face. How conroversial is the subject in Sweden?
 
You seem very well versed and I commend you on that.
Thanks.

I am just wondering on the goal "because you are so controversial".
By this I mean that I am not afraid to stand up for my beliefs and use sound arguments when debating taxes, gun control, the drug war etc. The reason I have to even state this is that there is a culture of agreeing with everyone else and shutting up in Sweden.

There is plenty of information out there and as mentioned before you have done a lot more reading and research than the average U.S. citizen on the topic I would bet.
Don't know if that's much a compliment. Wasn't there a study saying that the average USian can't point out Iraq on a world map? ;)

With my friends and family from Sweden there is a fascination and enjoyment of guns that I would love to see on everyone's face. How conroversial is the subject in Sweden?
It's so obscure that it's not even controversial. Pretty much, the average Swede has seen "Bowling for Columbine" and that's it.

When I was in high school we once were told to explain in writing what we would do if we were President of the US. More than a few wrote "ban all guns". I, of course, wrote "dismantle as much of the government as possible and implement the night watchman state"...
 
At the top right hand corner of this page is a link to the THR library. Go, and poke about a bit. Also read the SCOTUS paper on the 2A, as well as the cases cited by hugh damright. For an interesting look into the mind of a gunowner, go to http://www.thefiringline.com/Misc/library/Metal_and_Wood.html
and read Dennis Bateman's essay.

By the way, loking sarcasm is indicated thusly: ;) or possibly :neener: if appropriate.;)
 
State Consitution and State Attorney General Opinion

========================================================
Tennessee State Constitution (1870) Article I, arms clause:

"Section 26. That the citizens of this state have a right
to keep and to bear arms for their common defense; but the
Legislature shall have power, by law, to regulate the
wearing of arms with a view to prevent crime."
========================================================

Tennessee Opinion of the Attorney General Office No. 96-080
Tenn. Op. Atty. Gen. No. 96-080
Office of the Attorney General
State of Tennessee
Opinion No. 96-080
April 25, 1996

Right to keep and bear arms as applied to certain statutes
regulating firearms.

Ben West, Jr.
State Representative
60th Legislature District
Suite 34 Legislative Plaza
Nashville, Tennessee 37243-0160

QUESTIONS

Article I, Section 26 of the Tennessee Constitution provides
for the right to keep and bear arms for the common defense.
Do the following statutes violate this provision?

1. Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1307(a), making it an offense to
carry a firearm with the intent to go armed;

2. Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1309, making it an offense to
carry a firearm on school property;

3. Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1311, making it an offense to
possess or carry a firearm with the intent to go armed in a
public park or recreational facility; and

4. Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1305, making it an offense to
possess a firearm on any premises where alcoholic beverages
are sold.

OPINIONS

Each of these statutes is a valid exercise of the state's
regulatory authority under Article I, Section 26 of the
Tennessee Constitution and is therefore constitutional.

ANALYSIS

Article I, Section 26 of the Tennessee Constitution states
"That the citizens of this State have a right to keep and to bear
arms for their common defense; but the Legislature shall have
power, by law, to regulate the wearing of arms with a view to
prevent crime." Tennessee case law explains the purpose of the
last clause.

The additional clause in the Constitution of 1870 was
adopted to remove all doubt as to the power of the Legislature to
regulate the use of the arms which the citizens had a right to
keep. It was not intended that the keeping or using of such
arms should be prohibited, but that the use thereof by wearing
or carrying about the person might be so regulated by law as to
prevent crime.
It was crime resulting from the habit of
wearing arms, or of going armed, which the Convention sought to
prevent, by expressly conferring this power of the Legislature.

The State v. Wilburn, 66 Tenn. 47,62 (1872).

Andrews v. The State, 50 Tenn. 165 (1871) is probably the
most important case on Article I, Section 26. The Andrews case
explains that the object of the provision is the efficiency of
the people as soldiers. The Court indicated that the use of
these arms can be regulated in order to prevent crime. Their use
can be "limited by the duties and proprieties of social life,
and such arms are to be used in the ordinary mode in which used
in the country, and at the usual times and places." Id., at
181-82. The Court explained that prohibitions against carrying
arms to church or other public assemblages were valid since this
was not an appropriate use for them or necessary for training.

So we may say, with reference to such arms, as we have
held, he may keep and use in the ordinary mode known to the
country, no law can punish [p.186] him for so doing, while he
uses such arms at home or on his own premises; he may do with
his own as he will, while doing no wrong to others. Yet, when
he carries his property abroad, goes among the people in public
assemblages where others are to be affected by his conduct,
then he brings himself within the pale of public regulation,
and must submit to such restriction on the mode of using or
carrying his property as the people through their Legislature,
shall see fit to impose for the general good.

Id., at 185-86.

1. Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1307(a)(1) states that "a person
commits an offense who carries with the intent to go armed a
firearm," a certain kind of knife or a club. This statute does
not prohibit owning or carrying a firearm. It prohibits the
carrying of a firearm with the intent to go armed.
Thus, the
carrying of a firearm is prohibited only when it is carried in a
manner so as to be "readily accessible and available for use in
the carrying out of purposes either offensive or defensive."
Kendall v. State, 118 Tenn. 156, 101 S.W. 189 (1906). This
statute does not, in the opinion of this Office, infringe upon
the citizen's "right to keep and bear arms for their common
defense."

The right established by Article I, Section 26 does not
apply to every type of arm. Andrew v. The State, supra, and
Aymette v. The State, supra, clearly establish that the right
applies only to arms that "make up the usual arms of the citizen
of the country, and the use of which will properly train and
render him efficient in defense of his own liberties, as well
as of the state."
Andrews v. The State, 50 Tenn. at 179.
Weapons not falling in this description do not receive the
protection of Article I, Section 26 at all.

Wearing constitutionally protected weapons can still be
regulated as long as it is done "with a view to prevent crime."
Andrews indicates that such regulations must "bear some well
defined relation to the prevention of crime...." Id., at 181.
This would include limiting the use of such arms to the
ordinary mode and at the usual times and places. Id., at 182.
The right to keep and bear arms "is no more above regulation
for the general good than any other right."
Id., at 185,
quoting Aymette v. The State, 21 Tenn. at 159.
Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1307(a)(1) is within the powers of the
state and bears a well defined relation to the prevention of
crime by regulating the manner in which firearms may be carried.
A firearm carried without the intent to go armed is less likely
to be used in a crime.

Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1308 lists a number of defenses to
the application of Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1307. Included in the
list is when the person is carrying a weapon that is unloaded and
unconcealed about his person and the ammunition is not in the
immediate vicinity; when the person is authorized to possess or
carry a firearm pursuant to Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1315, the
handgun permit statute; when the person is at home, at his place
of business or on the premises; and when the person is lawfully
hunting, trapping or engaged in other lawful activity. Thus the
application of Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1307 is rather narrow.
The statutory scheme envisions many situations when the carrying
of a weapon does not violate this statute.


2. Under Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1309(c)(1), it is an
offense to possess or carry a firearm on public or private school
property, with certain exceptions. Andrews v. The State, supra,
recognized that even constitutionally protected weapons could be
prohibited in public assemblies since there was no appropriate
use for them there. It is, therefore, the opinion of this Office
that Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1309(c)(1) was enacted with a view
to prevent crime and is a valid exercise of the state's
regulatory authority under Article I, Section 26 of the Tennessee
Constitution.

3. Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1311(a) makes it an offense to
possess or carry a firearm, with the intent to go armed, with
certain exceptions, in or on the grounds of any public park,
playground, civic center or other building facility, area or
property owned, used or operated by any municipal, county or
state government, or instrumentality thereof, for recreational
purposes. The analysis of this statute is the same as the
analysis under question one. Only the possession or carrying with
the intent to go armed in these designated places is prohibited.
Furthermore, the statute merely regulates the carrying of these
weapons in places of public assemblage. This is permitted by
Andrews v. The State, supra. It is the opinion of this Office
that this statute is a valid exercise of the state's regulatory
authority under Article I, Section 26.

4. Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1305(a) states: "It is an offense
for a person to possess a firearm on the premises of a place open
to the public when alcoholic beverages are served or in the
confines of a building where alcoholic beverages are sold." A
previous statute was more limited, prohibiting carrying certain
weapons for the purpose of going armed while inside the confines
of the building of any establishment licensed to sell beer, wine
or any other alcoholic beverage. Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-6-1717
(repealed by 1989 Public Acts, Chapter 591). In Gibbs v. Blount
County Beer Board, 664 S.W.2d 68 (Tenn. 1984), the Beer Board
refused to issue a license to sell beer at a market which was
also housed a gun shop. The same entrance was used for both
businesses, the gun shop occupying a small area set off from the
store by a glass display case and panel wall. The Beer Board
refused to issue the license because the sale of beer in the
same building where guns were bought, sold, traded and repaired
interfered with the public health, safety and morals. The
Tennessee Supreme Court quoted Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-6-1717 and
stated:

If this license is granted the customers of the gun shop
will clearly be "inside the confines of the building" where
alcoholic beverages will be sold. We are entitled to assume
that most, if not all of them, will be carrying weapons
described in T.C.A. S 39-6-1701. The practical problem
created is how can the public distinguish between those
persons who are carrying weapons with intent to go armed,
from those who have no intent to go armed. Obviously, it is
an impossibility to make such distinction until after the
fact of danger and potential harm to the public has occurred.

As the trial judge indicated, the Legislature in enacting
T.C.A. S 39-6-1717 has clearly said that it is against public
policy to commingle persons carrying weapons with intent to
go armed with other members of the public in places where
alcoholic beverages are sold. When the public cannot distinguish
the violators of that section from the non-violators, we think
it follows as the night follows the day that the granting of a
beer permit in the circumstances of this case would interfere
with the public health, safety and morals.

Gibbs v. Blount County Beer Board, 664 S.W.2d at 69.

The Court's observations clearly lay out the potential for danger
and the difficulty of distinguishing between a mere possessor and
a possessor having the intent to go armed. Although this case
does not address the right to bear arms, it does indicate the
justifications for statutes like Tenn. Code Ann. S 39-17-1305.
Due to the limited application of the statute to a place of
public assemblage, see Andrews v. The State, supra, and the clear
purpose of the statute, to decrease the chance of an altercation
involving firearms in an establishment that sells alcoholic
beverages, it is the opinion of this Office that Tenn. Code Ann.
S 39-17-1305 is a valid exercise of the state's regulatory
authority under Article I, Section 26.

Charles W. Burson
Attorney General & Reporter
Michael E. Moore
Solicitor General
Andy D. Bennett
---------------------------------------------
END: Tenn. Op. Atty. Gen. No. 96-080
---------------------------------------------


My Understanding of
Tennessee State Constitution (1870) Section 26

The interest of the state in preserving the right of citizens
to keep and bear arms lies in the efficiency of the people as
soldiers (citizens eligible to become militia). The right protected
by the provision applies only to arms that make up the usual arms
of the citizen of the country, and the use of which will properly
train and render the citizen efficient in defense of the citizen's
own liberties, as well as in defense of the state.

The regulation clause was not intended that the keeping or using
of such arms should be prohibited, but that the use thereof by
wearing, or carrying about the person, in public, might be so
regulated by law as to prevent crime.

Carrying loaded guns and other weapons in public with intent to
go armed for offense is not legal; carry for defense is legal
only with a handgun carry permit issued by the state. The purpose
of banning "going armed" was to prevent crime; allowing licensed
carry is also viewed as regulating the wearing of arms with a
view to prevent crime.

The carrying arms ban lists a number of defenses. The application
of barring going armed is rather narrow and the law envisions
many situations when the carrying of a weapon does not violate
the statute. The goal is to prevent offensive crime, not to
ban guns, and this is consistent with Section 26 and the statute.
The attorney general's opinion, State Supreme Court rulings, and
other court rulings have held that the prohibition on "going armed"
does not apply when the person is:
- carrying an unloaded, unconcealed gun
- transporting an unloaded, cased gun locked in a vehicle
- at home or at one's place of business for self-defense
- carrying in public with state permit for self-defense
- engaged in hunting or trapping
- defending livestock from predatory animals
- or engaged in other lawful activity involving guns.

In fact, Section 26 does not cover guns that might not have a
bearing on defense of the citizen or defense of the state, since
courts in Tennessee have recognized the lawfulness of hunting
and other sporting uses of firearms, as well antique collecting.
For example, buying a handgun at an estate auction and taking it
home unloaded is a common lawful activity and does not result
in arrest even when LEO are present at the auction.

A CASE I AM FAMILIAR WITH:

A woman, who held off an abusive estranged husband at gun point
in the yard of her rented home where the estranged husband
confronted her when she returned home from work, had charges of
"going armed" pressed against her by the husband: the judge
dismissed the charge observing in court that the woman had an
absolute right to have a gun at her home for protection.

In Gibbs v. Blount County Beer Board the business catered
to the general public including hunters and fishermen: the market
sold gasoline, food, beer, fishing supplies and had a gun shop
under the same roof. The beer was sold for off-premises consumption:
there was no drinking in the establishment. The market was not a
bar or restaurant with on premises consumption of alcohol. But
allowing guns and beer to be sold at the same premises, implied
that beer purchasers would be commingling with persons "going armed"
to the detriment of "the public health, safety and morals."

Gibbs v. Blount County Beer Board appears to be a moot case.
Today, the local Super Walmart sells beer in the produce
section and guns and ammo in the sporting goods section: the
"chance of an altercation involving firearms in an establishment
that sells alcoholic beverage" is nil: I have never had to
wade the proverbial "rivers of blood"((c)HCI) from "Wild West
shootouts"((c)HCI) at the local Super Walmart caused by the
commingling of guns and beer sales under the same roof.

--Carl N. Brown
 
demonstrating that guns have good effects in society

While Lott's book More Guns, Less Crime is much better than his
one-page op-ed editorial essays, his lost phone survey backing
his 98 percent stat and his defense under the pseudonym MaRyRoSh
have been used to undermine his credibility. (I think unfairly.)

Marvin Eugene Wolfgang, cited by the British Journal of Criminology
as "the most influential criminologist in the English-speaking world,"
wrote:
"I am as strong a gun-control advocate as can be found among the
criminologists in this country. If I were Mustapha Mond of Brave
New World, I would eliminate all guns from the civilian
population and maybe even from the police. I hate guns--ugly,
nasty instruments designed to kill people."
Marvin E. Wolfgang also conducted a massive study of 588 murders that
occurred from 1948 to 1952 including background and relationship of
murderer and victim, and circumstances of the murder:
"Several students of criminal homicide have tried to show that
the high number of or easy access to firearms in this country is
casually related to our relatively high homicide rate. Such a
conclusion cannot be drawn from the data collected. It is the
contention of this observer that few homicides due to shooting
could be avoided merely if a firearm were not present, and that
the offender would select some other weapon to achieve the same
destructive goal...."

"Police interrogation of Defendants reveals that most frequently,
(murder) weapons are bought from friends or acquaintances for
such nominal sums as ten or twenty dollars."
Wolfgang, who personally hated guns, made two observations: first,
the circumstances of most murders are such that the murder would be
attempted if the gun were not there; second, guns used in murder
are usually illegal "street" sales. Wolfgang's observed patterns
are often reconfirmed even by skeptics attempting to debunk them.
The fact that Wolfgang had a visceral hatred of guns makes his
observations even more compelling.

Gun laws do not have a great effect on crime, but they do inhibit
self defense by the law abiding.

The Canadian government conducted a study to evaluate C96, the
Canadian 1996 national gun law. The study was cited in the Canadian
National Post:
Now the Library of Parliament has released a comparison of
violent crime rates in the Northern Plains states versus Canada's
Prairie provinces. The simple conclusion: Rates of gun ownership
among law-abiding private citizens have no effect on crime.

Despite having nearly twice as many households with guns as their
Canadian counterparts -- and similar economic, cultural and social
demographics -- Minnesota, North Dakota, Montana and Idaho have
lower crime rates than Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta.
Researchers determined "both violent and property crime rates were
two-thirds higher in the Canadian Prairie provinces than in the
four border states."

Murder was 1.1 times higher; violent assaults and attempted murder,
1.5 times; robbery, 2.1 times; breaking and entering, 2.3; and
vehicle theft, 3.2.
In comparing comparable populations between the "evil gun culture" USA
and "enlightened post-C96" Canada, the gun crazy Americans have twice
the gun ownership but lower crime rates. (We are talking comparing
crime rate--incidents per 100,000 population per year.) The USA national
average crime rates are badly skewed by the hideous crime in Chicago,
New York and Washington DC where private handgun ownership is virtually
banned. The gun control advocacy group Brady Campaign (formerly Handgun
Control Inc.) gave the following gun control "grades" to the Northern
Plains states: Minnesota C, North Dakota D, Montana F and Idaho F.
Chicago and Washington DC with handgun prohibition (and murder rates
way above the national average) got As.

The national gun control advocacy groups claimed, before statistics
were available, that Texas CHL (concealed handgun license) holders were
more likely to commit crimes than non-license holders. The gun control
advocates claimed that the general public should be protected from
CHL holders by the newspaper publication of the names and addresses
of CHL holders so the "good" non-license holders could be warned about
the "bad" license holder living next door or working beside them.

On the fifth anniversary of the handgun license law, the National
Center for Policy Analysis issued a report that Texans with concealed
handgun licenses were far less likely to commit a serious crime: handgun
license holders were much more law-abiding than the non-license holding
population. Texans with HCLs were 5.7 times LESS likely to be arrested
for violent offenses and 14 times LESS likely to be arrested for
non-violent offenses than the general public. Senior Policy Analyst
at NCPA, H. Sterling Burnet, observed:
Many predicted that minor incidents would escalate into bloody
shootouts if Texas passed a concealed-carry law. That prediction
was dead wrong.
In a letter to the author of the Texas Concealed Handgun Act, on
the ten year anniversary of the concealed handgun license law,
John Holmes, Harris County Texas District Attorney, wrote:
As you know, I was very outspoken in my opposition to the passage
of the Concealed Handgun Act. I did not feel that such legislation
was in the public interest and presented a clear and present danger
to law abiding citizens by placing more handguns on our streets.
Boy, was I wrong. Our experience in Harris County, and indeed
state-wide, has proven my initial fears absolutely groundless.
Glenn White, President of the Dallas Police Association, told the
Dallas Morning News:
I lobbied against the law in 1993 and 1995 because I thought it
would lead to wholesale armed conflict. That hasn't happened.
All the horror stories I thought would come to pass didn't happen.
No bogeyman. I think it's worked out well, and that says good
things about the citizens who have permits. I'm a convert.
 
hey, 98 per cent, .... (bad song parody)

The 1995 Gary Kleck study on Defensive Gun Use claimed that guns were
used in self-defense 2.5 million times a year, more frequently than
the 1 million cited by Kleck himself in his 2/88 Social Problems
article. The later Kleck data was checked and supported by a skeptic,
Marvin E. Wolfgang. A study by Phillip J. Cook implied that Kleck was
off: Cook found a possibility of as many as 4.7 million self defense
gun uses per year. Lott claimed a figure of 2.1 million DGUs actually
lower than the figures cited by Kleck or Cook. If Lott is guilty of
cooking statistics, why did he come up with a lower DGU figure than
Kleck or Cook?

Tim Lambert, and others, have spendt a lot of time and intenet bandwidth
going after John Lott over a missing 1997 survey database and John Lott's
use of the pseudonym "Mary Rosh" to defend his work. There is a long
history of this over at History News Network.

Lambert believes that Lott siezed on the 98 per cent figure from a
study by Gary Kleck in the February 1988 "Social Problems" that claimed:
- one million estimated defensive gun uses annually with
- about 8,700-16,600 non-fatal legally permissible woundings
of criminals by gun armed civilians, therefore
- over 98 per cent DGUs involved neither killings nor woundings
but rather warning shots fired or guns pointed or referred to.

Lambert claims that Lott made an error in accepting Kleck's 98 per
cent no killings or woundings, overlooking the warning shots, to claim
that 98 per cent involved brandishing only, but rather than correct
it, "Lott chose to make up a story about a survey." And then Lambert
asks readers to "think of a better explanation" or let him know of
personal knowledge of Lott's 1997 survey. Lambert claims this-or-that
and if anyone doubts Lambert's claims, they have to prove a negative,
rather than Lambert being burdened with proving a positive.

In Northwestern University School of Law, The Journal of Criminal
Law and Criminology, vol. 86, issue 1, 1995, authors Gary Kleck
and Marc Gertz published their study: Armed Resistance to Crime:
The Prevalence and Nature of Self-Defense with a Gun.

In The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, Fall 1995,
pp. 188-192., Marvin E. Wolfgang (author of Patterns in Criminal
Homicide) wrote: "Tribute to a View I Have Opposed":
"I am as strong a gun-control advocate as can be found among
the criminologists in this country. I would eliminate all guns
from the civilian population and maybe even from the police....
What troubles me is the article by Gary Kleck and Marc Gertz. The
reason I am troubled is that they have provided an almost
clear-cut case of methodologically sound research in support of
something I have theoretically opposed for years, namely, the use
of a gun in defense against a criminal perpetrator.... I do not
like their conclusions that having a gun can be useful, but I
cannot fault their methodology.
"Can it be true that about two million instances occur each
year in which a gun was used as a defensive measure against
crime? It is hard to believe. Yet it is hard to challenge the
data collected."

Most criminologists who focused on bad uses of guns, and whose
studies were used to promote legal restrictions on legal sales
and legal ownership of guns, were blissfully unaware of any good
uses of guns and the impact of gun control on the lawabiding user.

The Clinton Administration (aka the Brady Campaign Auxiliary)
responded to the Kleck claim that guns were used in self defense
2.5 million times a year by commissioning a study by Phillip J.
Cook. The Cook study found that the number of self defense uses
of guns was possibly as high as 4.7 million times a year.

The FBI definition of Justifiable Homicide is admittedly narrow:
"The killing of a felon, during the commission of a felony, by
a private citizen." A justifiable homicide is the successful
use of lethal force against what a "reasonable person" would
perceive as a threat of imminent death or bodily harm. Also, the
FBI UCR claims it does not follow homicides beyond police reports:
some homicides end up after prosecuting attorney recommendation,
grand jury hearing, judge's opinion, or trial jury verdict as
justifiable. I have been told that if I had to kill in self-defense
in my home state I should expect an initial charge of voluntary
manslaughter until the prosecutor or a grand jury looked at the
circumstances. This is similar to night clerks at hotels being
listed as suspects in hotel robberies: when they are cleared as
suspects, the authorities can pump up the "crimes cleared" stats.

Also consider Marvin E. Wolfgang's contention that a large
porportion of the homicides he studied were "victim precipitated"
as a result of mutual combat initiated by the "victim."
Many domestic homicides would be considered self-defense if they
involved total strangers.

Let's go for the max in DGU shootings:

So let's multiply the 2001 FBI UCR figure of 176 narrowly defined
justifiable homicides by private citizens with firearms by a factor
of ten to allow for a very broad guestimate including marginally
justifiable or violent-victim precipitated homicides: 1760.

Since bullet wounds are usually cited as 20 percent lethal and
80 percent survivable, let us multiply the maximized guestimate by
a factor of five: 8800 justifiable killings and woundings. (Gee,
that's close to Kleck's figure on killings and woundings: where
did I go wrong?)

Let's say our private citizens are horrible shots or fire warning
shots and let's guestimate misses and warning shots as a factor
of ten: 88,000 self defense handgun firings.

Let us take the max DGU estimates of Gary Kleck (2.5 million per
annum) and Phillip J. Cook (4.7 million per annum) since we (OK I)
are maximizing killings and woundings. (Ignore John Lott's lower
figure of 2.1 million since Lambert "proved" he was a lying
transvestite :).)

88,000 / 2,500,000 or .035 or 3.5 per cent DGUs involve firing.

88,000 / 4,700,000 or .018 or 1.8 per cent DGUs involve firing.

I think this guestimatation indicates that John Lott's claim that
his telephone survey verified that guns are used without shooting
98 percent of the time is not that far fetched.
 
Lott and Kleck had conclusions that built on earlier work: See Wright, Rossi & Daly and "Under The Gun". This was published by the University of Florida Press in 1985. Amazon.com has listed it. They have written other, associated books.

Basically, the primary conclusion of these statisticians is that no gun-control law ever passed in Florida ever affected the rate of violent crimes involving firearms.

Art
 
Hi Classical Liberal!

Unlike some of my brethren that took the bait, I know what a classical liberal is. ;)

For background on Natural Rights, looke up Locke, who is the major source for the premise of natural rights in the US. The declaration is almost undiluted Locke. Do not be decieved by Rousseau, who reformulated the premise a generation later, and laid the groundwork for collectivism.


Here's the library o' links I usually give to new students:

http://www.archives.gov/national-archives-experience/charters/declaration_transcript.html

http://www.archives.gov/national-archives-experience/charters/constitution_transcript.html

http://www.archives.gov/national-archives-experience/charters/bill_of_rights_transcript.html

http://www.constitution.org/mil/rkba1982.htm

http://www.usdoj.gov/olc/secondamendment2.htm

http://www.guncite.com/journals/reycrit.html

http://www.guncite.com/journals/bk-ufire.html

http://www.davekopel.com/

Also, make sure to google up Nunn v. State (of Georgia), 1846 for an example of a State Supreme court ruling citing states being bound to the federal 2A. Interestingly, this predates the 1868 14th amendment, and indeed the entire civil war and subsequent reconstruction period.

http://www.cs.cmu.edu/afs/cs/usr/wbardwel/public/nfalist/nunn_v_state.txt
 
Since there is an ALABAMA in Sweden I might just vist after all. :D
 
Greetings, American rednecks and hillbillies...

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Or you might avoid the quagmire of federalism, the 14th "Amendment", and the "incorporation doctrine", by focusing on our State Constitutions and how they regard the RKBA.

But don't ignore the Civil War and its effect on federalism.
 
Still sounds like a troll to me.

'Rednecks and Hillbillies' is not, I would expect, a well used term of endearment in Sweden. He's scamming.
 
you know the saddest part, upon seeing our little swedish buddy, all i could think of were Sven and Olie jokes.

yumpin-yiminiy u betcha.

sorry to all the MN SD ND people
 
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